Senegal – FAYE AND SONKOS’ RIFT: A Genuine Working-People Political Alternative Needed
Senegal is presently engulfed in a historic political feud between President Bassirou Diomaye Faye and Ousmane Sonko, the country’s two most influential political figures and former allies. This political feud is coming as a shock to millions of people who have invested their hope and aspiration for a better country in this administration with the belief that both men working together would signal the dawn of development and prosperity in Senegal. In fact, Faye came to power largely on the strength of Sonko’s immense popularity after Sonko was barred from contesting the 2024 presidential election.
By Adaramoye Michael Lenin
Sonko is the founder and leader of the PASTEF (African Patriots of Senegal for Work, Ethics and Fraternity) party, which emerged as the principal opposition force to the twelve-year rule of former President Macky Sall. For millions of Senegalese, especially young people and the working masses, Sonko became the rallying point for resistance against Sall’s anti-poor policies, corruption, unemployment and growing authoritarianism. His repeated arrests, prosecutions and eventual exclusion from the presidential race only deepened his popularity and transformed him into a symbol of the struggle for political change. Riding on the momentum of that movement and campaigning as Sonko’s chosen candidate, Faye secured a decisive electoral victory in March 2024, raising enormous expectations among ordinary Senegalese for a decisive break with the old order.
In Senegal, Sonko was regarded as the main opposition figure because of his anti-establishment rhetoric. He criticised the over-reliance on loans from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) by Macky Sall’s administration; he often argued that the Government should focus on generating more funds through the country’s oil and gas and other mineral resources. Sonko often frowned on interference from French imperialism in the affairs of Senegal. His agitations also include an anti-corruption campaign, a fight for democratic rights, among others. Upon these campaigns lies the foundation of his PASTEF Party, which has made it a pole of attraction to many change-seeking Senegalese.
Many Senegalese can easily recall that just two years ago, they were hoping to rewrite the history of Senegal and rewrite the story of their lives through the March 2024 election. If Sall’s regime had it way, the PASTEF would not have participated in the election; the regime had thrown Sonko, Faye and many leaders and members of the PASTEF Party in jail. It was the agitation of the masses that forced the Sall regime to grant amnesty to political prisoners, which got Sonko, Faye and many leaders and members of the PASTEF Party out.
Sall simply wanted a smooth ride for Amadou Ba, who was his preferred candidate, after he had been forced by the public outrage to drop his plan to run for a third term. Significantly, Macky Sall himself rose to power in 2012 by being the main opposition to Abdoulaye Wade’s government and his third-term ambition. Abdoulaye ran for a third term and was defeated by Macky Sall. Apparently, Macky Sall in 2024 ran from what would have been a brutal political defeat for him; therefore, he abandoned his third-term ambition to support Amadou Ba, his prime minister. However, given the mass anger against the 12-year rule of Macky Sall, Amadou lost to Faye in the election.
THE ISSUES
After Faye’s victory, there was no immediate sign that the political alliance between him and Sonko would turn into one of the most shocking political feuds in West Africa. Many still held on to their belief that a Faye’s presidency would lead to radical change in Senegal. The first few days, indeed, felt like all would be well; Sonko was appointed Prime Minister. This was a move welcomed by many Senegalese and loyalists of Sonko. However, this turned out to be the beginning of something different, something sour and unexpected – a fight between Faye and Sonko.
Between both camps, especially within the camp of Faye, there were attempts to conceal the growing rift from the public at an early stage. At some point, it was blatantly dismissed. However, it later became open, direct and degenerated. Sonko accused Faye of abandoning the programme of the PASTEF Party, which got him into power.
An important point is the debt crisis. Truthfully, the Sall regime, with its romance with the IMF, went on a spree of borrowing which plunged the nation into a debt crisis. Deceitfully, Sall claimed Senegal’s public debt-to-GDP ratio was 74.4% at the end of 2023. Meanwhile, it was discovered, after an audit upon Faye’s emergence, that Sall had underreported the debt crisis, the true outstanding debt was about 132% of GDP. Faye, instead of divorcing from the romance with IMF, seeks to continue the bond and negotiate an ‘economic rescue’ plan with the IMF. Sonko opposed this, and called it a disgrace and merely over relying on western institutions.
Another causal issue of this political rift is the attitude of Faye towards the anti-corruption programme of the party. Faye prefers a slow pace method and even consolidating some into his government. Sonko, had called for audit, probe and recovery, something which Faye never did. Also, Sonko called for the quick prosecution of past corruption. Sonko also criticized Faye for making critical decisions without consulting the party, especially altering the structure of the ruling coalition and bringing in individuals outside of PASTEF.
SONKO POLITICAL COMEBACK
All these combined have created a major political rift. This further degenerated when Faye dissolved his entire cabinet and sacked Sonko as Prime Minister on May 22, 2026; he was immediately replaced with Almadou Al Aminou. However, Sonko, whose Party has a majority in the parliament, reinstated him into the parliament. Also, the sitting speaker of the Assembly and a PASTEF member resigned for Sonko to contest for that position. With a PASTEF membership of 135 out of 165 at the National Assembly, Sonko ran as the sole candidate and was elected as speaker. This marked a new phase in the political battle between Faye and Sonko. As the speaker of the National Assembly, Sonko had aggressively launched attacks against Faye. Sonko had used his influence to pass bills to limit the presidential powers. For instance, he pushed through a bill to prevent a sitting president from leading a political party. Sonko has also made speeches threatening to dissolve the government. Sonko also blocked Faye from securing a $1.8 billion IMF loan.
The fight between Faye and Sonko would become more aggressive in the coming years. There is the possibility that Sonko would use his position and base among the people to attempt to oust Faye from power through the National Assembly. Faye would also try to use his power to limit the influence of the PASTEF party in the National Assembly. Already, the National Assembly as constituted cannot operate in favour of Faye, even if he is able to get the non-Pastef members to his side; the emergence of Sonko as Speaker has shown this clearly.
Faye will have to build a new political party and hope to use the next local election to secure a major victory against Sonko and PASTEF, something which appears impossible, except that Faye is ready to take the risk of a questionable election which can ignite mass resistance. Faye will also have to join forces with other sections of the ruling class, including the most rotten and anti-people. This will mean Faye shifting more and more to the right. With Sonko’s popularity among the populace, Faye would be compelled to become dictatorial; the more he loses his social base and aligns with the rotten section of the ruling class to keep his hold on power, the more he would be given the whip of dictatorship to whip Sonko and the opposition.
Apparently, Sonko is not in the good books of French imperialism; they will approve and applaud any attack on Sonko as they did under Sall; except that the fear of a mass uprising stops them, just like Sall was compelled to free Sonko, Faye and many other political prisoners. French imperialism, which seeks to use Senegal to castigate the military Juntas in the Sahel states of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, will also be careful not to lose Senegal. Hence, Senegal would enter a period of political uncertainty.
FAYE’S AUSTERITY
The working and toiling masses are again the victims of Faye’s romance with the IMF, to meet the condition for an IMF loan of $1.8 billion purportedly to stabilise the economy. However, the result of this would be a destabilisation of the lives of millions of working masses.
Faye had lined up a series of austerity policies to be unleashed on the masses. Faye had planned to cut the energy and fuel subsidy. The result of this will be a major increase in the cost of fuel and energy. The working masses will be forced to pay for the crimes of the ruling class.
Faye also intends to stop some ongoing infrastructural projects. There is also a plan to cut funds for education and other social services. Senegal’s working masses are up for a period of hardship, but they are willing to battle it out with Faye’s government. Already, the 12 years of Sall were calamitous for the masses. The population is facing an employment crisis, with about 90% working in the informal sector. This is aside from the cost-of-living crisis. Therefore, when the masses used the 2024 election to reject Amadou Ba, who was Prime Minister under Sall, and voted Faye, it was an expectation of prosperity. Now, the opposite has been born with Faye imposing austerity. The working masses can only change its situation through mass struggle. But can PASTEF offer a platform for this resistance?
WHAT FOR SONKO, PASTEF AND THE WORKING MASSES?
Sonko and the PASTEF speak against the French imperialism; however, they have not adopted a clear ideological and revolutionary opposition to the French imperialism. Yes, Sonko and the PASTEF advocate for true economic and political sovereignty, a rejection of the IMF’s structural adjustment programs. They have also called for renegotiation of the oil and gas contracts with the private investors, and added that Senegal should have a lion’s share of its natural resources. These are correct programmes, which resonate well with many of the population whose lives the formula for supernormal profit has been drawn out. However, there is no clear path for Sonko and PASTEF to reach this destination. Sonko seems to harbour the illusion that imperialism can be fought without fighting capitalism, it appears he wants to build a Senegalese capitalism.
Thus, Sonko and the PASTEF appear not to have learnt from the fallout with Faye; they still talk about fighting corruption, the Western financial bodies and French imperialism without mentioning the need for a system change in Senegal and the entire Africa. To them, French dominance and the Western financial bodies can be fought without a complete rejection of capitalism. Herein lies the limitation of Sonko and his Party. Their inability to recognise the historic role of the working class is another limitation. Without recognising and mobilising the power of the working class to fight and defeat the capitalist system, French imperialism will continue to have leverage over the resources of Senegal.
Without doubt, Senegal in the coming period will be the arena for a brutal political battle; what the masses make of this battle, how connected they are to it and how ready they are to struggle against an attempt to shortchange their lives to suit the imperialist interests will be decisive and also hold important lessons for the working masses across Africa and the world. The point, however, is that without a struggle to dislodge capitalism and fight imperialism, the desire of the Senegalese working masses for a prosperous country would continue to move backwards. Genuine working-class activists must begin to vehemently argue for the socialist transformation of society and building a force that can achieve that aim and set an example to Africa and the wider world.