Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM)

For struggle, Solidarity and Socialism in Nigeria

Committee for a Workers' International

Chapter 1- General Overview

Chapter 2- Failure of Neo-liberalism

Chapter 3- Breaking With IMF?

Chapter 4- Will There Be A Coup?

Chapter 5- National Question

Chapter 6- The Labour Movement

Chapter 7- NCP and 2003 Elections

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NIGERIA:

For the suffering masses, only the working class and the labour movement have shown that there is still hope for humanity. Within a period of two and a half years, the leadership of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) called two general strikes that were overwhelmingly supported by the working masses and youths across the country. Severally and collectively, the huge successes recorded by these strikes show two main points. One, it shows beyond all reasonable doubt that the labouring masses will not just passively sit down while their lives are being destroyed, in the name of privatisation and deregulation, just to protect the unjust and obscene profits and privileges of the minority capitalist class. Two, these strikes have shown beyond any reasonable doubt that if mobilised around concrete, beneficial issues, the working masses across the country are capable of rising beyond narrow national or religious divides, to resolutely pursue a common agenda.

The June 2000 general strike was very unique in the sense that the strike was virtually supported by most Nigerians, including governors and members of the National Assembly. The strike was so successful that the government was forced to totally withdraw its price increases on kerosene and diesel while the increment of N10 on petrol was reduced to N2. As a matter of fact, an 100% reversal could have been achieved if not that the Adams Oshiomhole-led NLC leadership decided "not to humiliate" the Obasanjo government.

The January 2002 strike, from the beginning was a different ball game. The strike took place against stiff opposition of and condemnation by the vast majority of members of the capitalist ruling class. All state apparatuses of propaganda and coercion were used to ensure the failure of the strike. Scores of labour leaders and activists were arrested and charged to court in government's desperate bid to break the strike. The Obasanjo regime eventually went to court to get the strike declared illegal, an order which was granted by the latter. Ostensibly because of this court order, the NLC leadership suspended the strike after two days.

Despite these insidious, anti-working class, anti-poor, capitalist orchestrated attacks, the call for a strike by the NLC was overwhelmingly honoured across the country. Here are some of the headlines and comments made by some prominent bourgeois newspapers while reporting the strike: The P.M. News of January 16, 2002 screamed: "LAGOS, ABUJA, KADUNA SHUT DOWN". While The Punch of January, 17, 2002, reporting the first day of the strike in its front page, used the headline: "Strike paralyses activities nationwide".

According to The Punch reporters "social and economic activities across the country were paralysed on Wednesday as the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) began a general strike aimed at forcing the Federal Government to reconsider the recent increases in fuel prices. Offices, banks, filling stations, schools and markets remained shut in most commercial cities while police kept watch over practically empty roads". The Guardian reporters filled a similar reports: "A nationwide strike ordered by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) to protest increase in the prices of petroleum products brought the Nigerian economy to a near paralysis yesterday. Workers in both the private and public sectors in most states of the federation responded positively to labour's directive by staying at home. Traders locked their shops, while commercial motor operators went off the roads. Markets were closed and government offices deserted in most of the state capitals. Business activities were paralysed and the highways void of heavy vehicular movement, a major feature of the state".

Unfortunately however, this epic strike did not achieve any reversal of the increase in the prices of petroleum products. What happened? What went wrong? What effect is this result likely to have on future struggles and strikes? These and some other related questions need to be posed and thoroughly analysed by socialists and labour activists in general.

The strike held in most parts of the country on the 16th and 17th January, paralysing economic activities in the country. The enthusiastic solidarity of the vast majority of the Nigerian masses while the strike lasted is quite overwhelming. From the market women and men to artisans, farmers, etc, the condemnations of the increment of fuel prices were unanimous. On the 17th however, it was becoming clear that the strike was weakening. For instance, in Lagos, more people attempted to go to their work places while there were more vehicles on the road. It is however pertinent to ask the question: why was the strike beginning to decline? The answers to this question present important lessons for the working class in Nigeria on the programme of the trade unions as well as tactics and method of industrial action as a means of fighting back the system.

First and foremost, the ambiguous position and pronouncement of the Nigeria Labour Congress leadership on the question of privatisation, deregulation and commercialisation prior to the strike did a lot of damage by creating confusion about the position of the NLC leadership and doubt about whether it was prepared to fight back. The NLC leadership supports the idea of deregulation while opposing increases in the prices of petroleum products. For any informed observer, it is clear that price increases is the natural end of any process of deregulation, commercialisation and privatisation.

The NLC leadership's participation in the National Council on Privatisation that has been overseeing the sales of public assets has also had the same effect. Secondly, unlike the period before the 2000 price increase of petroleum products when the NLC had embarked on mass education and conscientisation of workers and the masses through rallies, leaflets, posters, etc, the last strike action was devoid of any sustained attempt at educating the masses and carrying them along. The period between when the NLC Central Working Committee took the decision to embark on strike and the actual commencement of the strike was too short for any meaningful mass education and mobilisation of the masses to have taken place. Also contributing to weakening of the strike is the lack of grassroot action committees. These committees would have served as the vehicle for mass mobilisation and education of the masses. These local action committees will give directives and take leadership of the masses in various localities to prevent the struggle from being hijacked by agents- provocateurs and thugs. The action committees could also organise the provision of the essentials of daily life such as food supply, fuel, transportation, etc., Among other things, this will show in practice the ability of the working class to manage the economy and organise society.

Thirdly, the peculiar economic circumstance of an average Nigerian needs to be considered in the use of strike as a method of political struggle. The vast majority of Nigerian masses are daily wage earners either as market women/men, self-employed artisan, peasants, etc. For this vast majority of the working people, eking out an existence is a daily struggle. Survival for them depends solely on going out daily. The daily wage earnings of a majority of the masses cannot meet their basic daily needs talkless of saving for the next day or a week. Under this condition of enormous daily economic stress, sustaining an indefinite strike that would require people to stay at home for days is a herculean task. To be successful, an indefinite strike has to be led with determination and linked to a programme and strategy for ending the present status-quo and the transformation of society. Socialists advocate limited strike actions (say of 24 or 48 hours duration) as they serve as means to mobilise the masses and warn the employers/state. After a number of protest actions, the question will naturally be posed of the need to step up or escalate the action to a higher level. But we oppose the idea of limited actions or an indefinite series of limited protests being used by labour leaders as safety values to let workers vent their anger. Equally counter-productive is the stay-at-home character of the strike. This tactic of an indefinite 'stay at home' strike always isolate the workers at home and thus weaken strikes.

Given the above weaknesses in the tactics of the NLC leadership, adherence to the strike by the working masses would most likely had increasingly declined if it had not be called off in deference to the court order.

But of even more crucial and fundamental importance is the programme and policies being advocated by the NLC leadership and its general outlook. More than what any theoretical exposition can achieve, the January, 2002 general strike showed that in the final analysis, capitalism can and should be overthrown and not reformed by the working masses. As far as Obasanjo and his clique of local and foreign capitalist elements are concerned, wherever capitalist profits and privileges are at stake, the working masses can go to blazes! While it lasted, the strike totally paralysed economic and political activities in all the key sectors across the country. Yet, Obasanjo and his capitalist backers arrogantly and callously ignored the opinion of the vast majority of the working masses who participated in the strike.

This does not mean that mass struggles cannot, both now and in the future, win temporary concessions from the capitalists. Under the impact of mass struggles, the capitalist class can retreat and give temporary concessions in order to buy time as Obasanjo did in June 2000. It is most likely that if the NLC had fully mobilised the masses, both politically and organisationally, and then defied the undemocratic court order, Obasanjo regime might have been compelled to grant some concessions.

It should be stressed that the vicious response of Obasanjo and the ruling class is nothing but an open declaration of class war by the minority capitalist class against the vast majority of mankind, the ordinary working class people. Therefore, labour also needs a leadership that is not only courageous but one which combines courage with sufficient revolutionary vision required for victory in the inevitable struggle between capital and labour.

Unlike the ponderous, openly right-wing leadership of the NLC of Pascal Bafyau's era, the current NLC president, Adams Oshiomhole, has brought robust flair to debate on labour and other relevant socio-political issues. This feature was effectively utilised during this struggle, just as in other NLC campaigns. Cogent facts and figures were brought out by the NLC to show the unjust nature of the increases, as well as their counter-productive nature.

However, the NLC leadership's propaganda and programme suffer from a fundamental weakness. Every one of its programme and policy is always based on the illusory perspective of wanting to make capitalism and its managers perform better, in the interest of the working masses! The NLC leaders have retreated from their mid-1980s’ acceptance of socialism as the objective of the labour movement and today see no alternative to capitalism. Hence, the labour leaders are unwilling to let struggles develop to a point where they challenge the whole capitalist system.

As mentioned earlier, its opposition to the price increases is neither principled nor consistent. Yes, the NLC leadership has waged marvelous campaigns against the deregulation of the oil sector. The same leadership is however in support of the privatisation of NITEL, NEPA and other public enterprises regarded as "non-functional". Not surprisingly, this contradictory position has taken toll on the leadership's consistency. Prior to the increase which provoked the strike in review, Oshiomhole has been quoted several times stating that the NLC will not object to marginal increase in the prices. Naturally, there was some kind of confusion and resignation amongst the working masses when the new increases were first announced by the government.

Government and strategists of capital no doubt must have envisaged a failed strike action given the apparent contradictions and confusions inherent in labour leadership's positions. Against this background therefore, the huge support given to the NLC's strike call by the vast majority of the working masses across the country, reflects more the deep-seated anger of the masses against the corrupt gang of capitalist elements in power, than an acceptance of the inconsistent ideological standpoint of the NLC leadership.

As socialists have always maintained, there is nothing intrinsically wrong with public ownership of society's economy and resources. However, for such public ownership to fully flourish, there must be actual "public" working class democratic control and management of all publicly owned resources and properties. Wherever publicly owned resources and properties are left under the management and control of individualistic, bureaucratic, capitalist elements, it has always produced disastrous consequences against the economic and political interests of the working masses. Under this kind of arrangement, corruption, nepotism, red-tapism, mismanagement, etc, are bond to be the order of the day. It was precisely this lack of working class democratic control over the nationalised and centralised economies of the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe that led to the eventual collapse of these Stalinist entities.

For the same reasons, NITEL, NEPA, etc, are not working not because they were not being given sufficient money to operate but because most of such money were usually stolen, in the best spirit of "private enterprise", by its self-serving managers who are in no any practical sense accountable to the masses who constitute the bulk of their expected customers.

While emphasising the obvious financial bankruptcy and corruption which permeate the publicly owned corporations, the NLC leadership has never shown equal zeal in stating that similar conditions are ravaging the private sector. The NLC leadership, for instance, has conspicuously kept silent on the collapse of ENRON, a private transnational energy giant, based in the US, originally contracted by the Tinubu government in Lagos State to provide Lagos with electricity generated on barges. This is not accidental. The collapse of ENRON represents a fundamental repudiation of the bourgeois myth that capitalists are better managers of economies.

If, as being advocated by Oshiomhole, the oil sector remains public, under capitalist management, very little or no benefit of this will accrue to the masses. Even if just to provide excuses to take it over, the other dominant capitalist sectors of the economy will one way or the other sabotage such isolated public ventures.

For one, such isolated public enterprises will of necessity depend on the rhythm and vagaries of capitalism. This will always have negative implications for the masses. Inevitably, such capitalist run state enterprises will have numerous reasons while the prices of its products and services have to go up too. If government pumps money into such enterprises, this, as usual, will be stolen by its unaccountable capitalist or quasi-capitalist managers. Needless to stress, this kind of situation will always provoked revulsion of the masses and sooner than later, the capitalists will capitalise on this to once again raise the slogan of privatisation of state enterprises.

On the other hand, if government refuses to pump money into the publicly owned enterprises, then its capitalist managers will claim the right to charge "appropriate" fees for its products and services so as to be "competitive" and remain afloat. The lesson here is that once you back capitalism in any form or content, you will always be confronted with its anti-poor, anti-working class logics. For instance, to ensure available and affordable petroleum products for all, the entire commanding heights of the economy need to be nationalised and democratically controlled by the working masses themselves. Only a socialist society can provide the socio-economic framework where production and services will be primarily planned for use and satisfaction of the needs and aspirations of everybody. Under a genuine socialist government of workers and poor peasants, there will be less need and opportunities for profiteering and racketeering, which are the hallmarks of the prevailing unjust capitalist system.

Unless this outlook forms the basis of Oshiomhole's NLC leadership, its seemingly radical, progressive stance on certain issues affecting the working masses will always inevitably end in cul-de-sack and even outright betrayal of the masses.

Take the minimum wage issue as another example. The labour movement under Oshiomhole's leadership has waged a lot of campaign on this issue. Since he took over at the NLC, official minimum wage has increased from N3,500 to between N5,500 and N7,500 for private and public sector respectively. Regrettably however, this has not brought about any fundamental relief or improvement in the living conditions of the masses. While of course, as usual with capitalism, a tiny layer of the working masses may have achieved a noticeable improvement in their living standard, it has been a different ball game with the generality of the working masses.

On the basis of this increment, hundreds of thousands across the country have been retrenched by the different sections of the employers, on the pretext that those being sacked could not be conveniently paid by their employers as a result of this increment. For this same reason, a state of virtual embargo against new employment reigns. Even thousands of those that have been unjustly retrenched, like those in Lagos State, are yet to be paid their terminal benefits one year and a half after their unjust sack!

As usual, the capitalist governments' excuse is that there is not enough money to meet workers' basic and legitimate aspirations. Meanwhile, no matter how broke the government is, top officials and their capitalist contractor and friends will always find enough money to meet their own selfish ends. Governor Audu of Kogi State (one of the poorest states of the country) recently admitted owning a house each in Washington and London respectively. The one in the US is estimated as $1.7million. But if workers demand an increment in their wages, all bourgeois ideologues will instantly claim that there is no money to do this.

Therefore, the minimum wage issue must be seen by socialists and working class activists as an issue that can never be satisfactorily resolved in favour of the working class within the framework of capitalism. One, whatever concession the capitalists are forced to concede in new minimum wage will always be negated by other counter-productive measures. This could be in form of backlog of arrears of salaries and allowances, mass retrenchment of workers, commercialisation of indispensable social services like housing, health care, education, water, electricity, telecommunications, etc. Presently, Anambra and Enugu States are in arrears of payment of salaries and allowances of their workers for over six months. Local government workers in Oyo State recently embarked on strike over non-payment of salaries for eight months.

In Osun, Lagos, Oyo, Plateau and other states, tens of thousands of workers have been unjustly sacked by their respective state governments over the last increment granted in year 2000. Sadly, because the NLC leadership regards conflicts between employers and the workers over the minimum wage issue as a "family quarrel", it has failed to fashion any coherent strategy and tactics to respond to the socio-economic consequences which followed the last minimum wage increment.

In The Guardian of April 1, 2002, Oshiomhole was reported to have given the following ultimatum to the Anambra State government: "We are giving the government 14 days within which to find the money to pay its workers otherwise we will mobilise actions in such a way that he (the state governor) cannot gain access to any of the neighbouring states on his way to Abuja". This is a very good radical talk. What however is required are concrete actions not only against the Anambra State government but against all states and institutions that have not complied with the year 2000 increment.

Unless this is seriously and energetically pursued, there will be great difficulty in getting the enthusiastic response of the workers to the current agitation by the NLC leadership to get government to effect 25% wage increment as agreed in the year 2000 agreement signed with labour. One, the central government has already started to say that it has no money to implement this agreement owing to a drastic fall in its expected revenues as a result of the current global capitalist recession. Two, states will argue that the central government has no power to dictate to them how much workers in services at the state level must earn. Meanwhile, both central and state governments are united in looting treasuries to satisfy their own needs while at the same time implementing policies which raise the cost of living.

There can be no meaningful, beneficial results for the working masses as a result of a minimum wage struggle that fails to take the above issues into serious consideration. As usual, the NLC propaganda has been pointing out several areas of wastages which if plugged can enable government to generate enough resources to pay the new rate being demanded by the NLC and more. For the purpose of galvanising the anger of the workers against the callous response of the employers to the new minimum wage increment issue, this is a very good propaganda.

However, experience has shown that the kind of reckless spendings which the NLC propaganda has been pointing out, are precisely the central feature of capitalism. Capitalism is nothing but "organised", "legalised" robbery. Therefore, this kind of propaganda can only be useful to workers if they are presented as one of the reasons why capitalism has to be overthrown.

Unfortunately however, the current NLC leaders use this kind of propaganda to give the impression that adequate minimum wage can be won within the framework of capitalism. This is a fundamental error and it accounts for the leadership zig-zags on minimum wage and its fall outs.

Labour politics is equally fundamentally flawed. Truly, Adams leadership has consistently raised criticism about corruption in high places. It has even organised protests and demonstrations against perceived corrupt tendencies of members of the National Assembly at a time. Sadly, this critique is usually done with a view of getting capitalist state functionaries or sections of them to effect necessary changes.

More than many, Oshiomhole understands the anger and fighting capacity of the working masses. These, were amongst other things, what he told The Punch of February 2, 2002: "Nigerians are angry over this increase and they are ready to protest it and they did…….with all the instruments of propaganda at their disposal the electronic media, and NLC that did not have such, yet the people still stayed away. To get our people Yoruba, Hausa, Ibo, Kanuri to stay at home. Is there any of our leaders who can tell people don't go out tomorrow without using the police and the army to block the road or arrest people? How many of them can do that? For me, this is one action that shows that our leaders have lost touch with the ordinary man……and our people would follow those who they believe are fighting the right cause, regardless of the position of their leaders".

Sadly however, the NLC leadership fails to draw the appropriate conclusion that what the labouring masses need is a clean break with the policies and parties of the capitalist class. In an interview, Oshiomhole announced that the NLC leadership would work to crystallise a pro-workers, pro-masses political party. In the same interview, Oshiomhole says that the envisaged party would not bid for power in the year 2003 elections. This unfortunately will create the inevitable situation where the exploited working masses might be compelled to vote for one pro-capitalist party or another, of course to their own eternal disadvantages.

Eventually, the NLC sponsored Party for Social Democracy (PSD), one of the parties unjustly denied recognition recently by the so-called Independent National Electoral Commission. But because of its pro-capitalist programme, its lack of a fighting strategy and the lack-lustre record of labour leaders, this party so far has not attracted support of even workers, talkless of other strata of the oppressed masses.

There is the need to return labour to its best radical past. In 1986, the Babangida military junta organised a political debate to decide which ideology should form the basis of the economy and society in the aborted 3rd Republic. The emphatic response of the NLC and several other working masses organisations was a demand for socialism. In 1989, the NLC leadership took initiatives to form the Nigeria Labour Party (NLP). This precisely is the kind of strategic and ideological re-focussing which the labouring masses require today but which is lacking. The trade union movement needs to be rebuilt ideologically and organisationally, with education programmes and mobilisation activities. There must be grassroot democracy in the unions, with rank and file control over the policies of the unions and the leadership. Opportunist and corrupt leaders should be replaced democratically. To reduce the corruption and careerism which have eaten deep into the unions, labour leaders at all levels must be democratically elected and received no more than the wage of an average skill worker.

However, socialists and working class activists must not regard these fundamental shortcomings of the Oshiomhole leadership as a personal or national peculiarity. Rather, this should be seen as part of the world-wide, right-wing ideological retreat by the labour leadership following the collapse of the Stalinist states erroneously equated with socialism. Therefore, part of our central task today is to fight for the acceptance of basic socialist explanations and approaches in the day-to-day struggle of the working masses, in the trade unions and within youth organisations like NANS.

Without this kind of approach, the current NLC's leadership's selective economic and political radicalism will soon completely run out of steam. It is never given that a correct political understanding and bold leadership will always automatically win every struggle. Even then, it will be easier for workers to recognise the reasons why a particular objective cannot be attained and what should be done to achieve same. Sporadic campaigns against the privatisation and deregulation of the oil sector while giving support to privatisation of NEPA and NITEL will always leave workers confused and ideologically unprepared. Again, unless the conclusion is sharply drawn that the working masses need to carry out protracted mass struggle and strikes with the ultimate goal of overthrowing the prevailing unjust capitalist system, they will very soon become lukewarm to or wary of struggles and general strikes that may seem to them as having very little chance of achieving any concrete and beneficial objective.

In the absence of a trade union based/backed mass working people's political party, the National Conscience Party (NCP) represents an important political vehicle for the masses, socialists and labour activists.

As we have severally stated, the NCP is presently not an outright socialist platform. However, over the years, its national chairman, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, has acquired a reputation of a people's defender, who is above corruption. While all other capitalist parties always find one reason or the other to oppose or not support the specific struggles for the economic and political rights of the masses, the NCP leadership has always openly identified with the struggles of the working masses and youth. The party's manifesto supports the nationalisation of the commanding heights of the economy with a view to get the needed resources to carry out its central programme - the abolition of poverty. In a situation of sharper economic and political crisis where the bankruptcy and anti-poor, anti-working class characters of all the ruling capitalist parties become clear, a rapid growth in membership and political influence of the party like NCP is something likely, even if temporarily, in our situation.

A major development in the party and in the nation's politics as a whole took place in 27th April, 2002 when Gani announced his intention to seek the mandate of the party to contest in the 2003 presidential election. This has made a wider layer of the working masses and even middle class elements to show interest in the party while boosting the morale of the party activists. Already, we have begun to witness a significant change in the number of working class people and youth joining the NCP. If the party is given licence to contest elections, no matter how close this is to elections period or even if the party has then missed participation in the local government elections, there is likely to be greater influx of change seeking masses and youths into the party. At the same time, corrupt political careerists who could not make ends meet in other bourgeois political formations should also be expected to join NCP with a view to use the party to achieve their own narrow, selfish ends.

For these and other reasons, socialists, as usual, must continue to skillfully campaign to the rank and file members of the NCP to adopt a fully rounded revolutionary, socialist economic and political programmes without which the party will not be able to abolish poverty - its central goal. We must always warn the NCP rank and file and the masses in general that history is full of carcasses of parties that started on a radical note but ended up compromising with capitalism.

For instance, the party, just like the labour movement as a whole, needs a sensitive, democratic and revolutionary perspective and programmes on the national question. Yes, it is correct to emphasise and work for the unity of actions of the working masses of the diverse nationalities that make up the country. This, however, must be combined with a perspective which fully support the democratic agitations for self-determination by nations and nationalists groups within Nigeria. Of course, socialists have an unpostponable duty to always urge unity of action on issues of common interests by all members of the working masses irrespective of their ethnic, religious and national backgrounds. Unless this approach is adopted and practised, labour and a party like NCP will inevitably run into contradiction where they will have to give tacit and even active support to sectors of the capitalist class seeking, in vain, to keep Nigeria one at all cost under capitalism!

NCP and labour activists must be able to say yes, we support the democratic rights of nations to self-determination but at the same time, we are opposed, absolutely, to sectarian killings of members of one religious or ethnic group by another. NCP and labour, for instance, should come up with practical organisational and political proposals which are capable of preventing mindless killings and harassment under the guise of nationalist/religious campaigns or crusades.

The NCP leadership is renowned for its vociferous criticism of the plundering of the nation's wealth and resources by the alliance of foreign and local capitalists. So, if the leadership of the party is absolutely committed to fighting the pernicious influence which these capitalist/imperialist elements have on the nation's economy and polity, what are likely going to be their responses and that of their members internationally? If, as most likely, they grow hostile and violent, how can the interests of the masses be made to prevail against the minority but selfish interests of global capitalism? Doesn't this scenario from the beginning suggest the need to cultivate and build solidarity and organisations of like minds across Africa and the world as a whole?

As socialists, we must always emphasise within working class and youth organisations that the capitalists cannot be made to "see reasons", "be rational" either in the advanced capitalist world and most especially, in backward countries like Nigeria. That for the working class people to have a hope of decent living, they must be prepared to wage a victorious democratic, revolutionary socialist struggle whose ultimate goal is the overthrow of capitalism. As have been amply demonstrated by the international history of the labour movement, no specific or permanent achievement can be won by the labouring masses unless they are prepared to struggle for it. Again, as has been amply demonstrated by the international history of the labour movement, every and all momentary gains of the moment stand to be taken back as long as capitalism continues to dominate the economic and political ethos of society.

Therefore, socialists must be prepared to proudly offer the banner and methods of Permanent Revolution concepts and tactics as elucidated by Leon Trotsky to every person and structure of the NCP and the labouring masses in general.

At the moment, it is not absolutely certain if the powers that be will allow NCP to participate in elections. The Independent National Electoral Commission, on 20th June, 2002, announced that the NCP and 20 other political parties failed to meet all the conditions for registration. It instead registered three more bourgeois parties APGA, NDP and UNPP. The NCP and four of the unregistered parties went to the court to challenge their non-registration. The high court upheld the decision of INEC but an appeal against the judgement by the five parties was endorsed by the Court of Appeal on 26th July, 2002, which declared that once a political association meets the provisions of sections 222 and 223 of the 1999 constitution, such an association automatically becomes a political party "capable of sponsoring candidates and canvassing for votes in any constitutionally recognised elective office throughout Nigeria". As at the time of going to press, INEC has filed an appeal at the Supreme Court against the Court of Appeal decision.

What should the NCP do to achieve its goal of abolishing poverty among the oppressed masses? If NCP is registered, will the party activists and leadership be capable to withstand the corrupt corrosive influence of self-seeking political careerists who will certainly join the NCP in such circumstances? If it is not registered, what then should the party be doing? Put differently, will the socialists ultimately succeed in winning the NCP and its leadership to a fully rounded, revolutionary socialist worldview and practice?

Undoubtedly, non-registration of the party will be a setback for the working masses and it is likely to lead to decline in enthusiasm among the party activists. We in the DSM however call on party members and activists not to allow the antics of the ruling class and INEC to dampen their morale or reduce their commitment towards the building of the party. Socialists must explain to party members that there is need to understand that the attainment of a genuine multi-party democracy in particular and the emancipation of the working masses in general will be a product of a protracted struggle. Historically and world-wide, the struggle for the liberation of the masses has never been a simple and easy task as the capitalist oppressors and the beneficiaries of the present unjust capitalist order will do everything possible to defend the system and hang on to power by hook or crook. But with persistence, perseverance and correct policies and tactics, the working masses and their party will ultimately triumph.

This is the lesson to be learnt from the experience of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa, for instance. Founded in 1912 to fight for black majority rule, the ANC was banned for many decades by the white minority capitalist ruling class. On its part, the ANC even boycotted several undemocratic, kangaroo elections organised by the apartheid regime. But when the regime was eventually compelled by mass struggles to organise the first one person-one vote election in South Africa's history in 1994, the ANC won an overwhelming majority. Since then the degeneration of the ANC leadership and their embrace of capitalism makes it necessary for the South African masses to build a new working people's party.

First and foremost, the NCP must continue to organise political actions to challenge the INEC and ruling class conspiracy not to register it. Mass protests, picketing and rallies should be organised in many parts of the country by the party. There must be production and circulation of thousands of posters and leaflets. These activities should be aimed at exposing to the masses the ruling class conspiracy and fraud behind the so-called party registration exercise. Also, the party will explain the need to continue to struggle until a genuine multi-party democracy which recognises the right of groups and individuals to belong to political parties and contest elections without registration by the government or any of its agencies such as INEC is achieved. In addition, there should be freedom for independent candidates to stand in elections. Through these activities, the party must continue to recruit change-seeking workers and youth into its ranks and continue to put up party structures at all levels: wards, local governments, states, national, campuses, communities, etc.

In any event, socialists shall campaign among the party membership that the NCP must continue to be organised as a party of struggles, whether or not it is allowed to contest election at any point in time by the powers-that-be. In other words, the party must be prepared at all times to organise and lead mass struggles against capitalist attacks on the living and working conditions of the masses and for the provision of water, electricity, food, education, healthcare, transportation and telecommunication and other basic necessities of life. The party must continue to oppose and mobilise against the anti-poor programmes such as privatisation of public wealth, commercialisation of social services, and retrenchment of workers being implemented by all the money-bag parties. In short, whether registered or not, the party must continue to make itself relevant to the attainment of the rights, aspirations and yearnings of the masses.

Socialists also need to warn the party and its members against the perception that if the NCP is registered it will automatically sweep the country. While the party has a lot of support and the national chairman, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, is very popular among the downtrodden working masses, a lot of political and organisational work still needs to be done. Moreover, it is important to understand and for the party to always explain that elections do not decide everything, especially in a country like Nigeria that is in almost permanent crisis. While not dismissing the importance of elections, of equal, if not greater significance, are struggles, protests and strikes by the working masses to defend their rights and transform society.

But most importantly, the NCP members and activists need to understand that in order to satisfy the need of the masses for economic prosperity, political freedom and social security on a lasting basis, the party must be built on an anti-capitalist, socialist ideology. Its goal should be the coming to power of a workers' and poor peasants' government that will make the abundant resources of society truly available for the use of the entire society and not only to further enrich a wealthy few.

This type of government will put the commanding sectors of the economy such as petroleum, mineral resources, manufacturing, banking and finance, and all the big multinational and local companies under public ownership with democratic control and management by the working people. It is only this democratic socialist arrangement that will make it possible to launch a massive programme for food production, housing construction, free and qualitative education and medicare, full employment, telephones, and create a basis for the eradication of mass poverty, crimes, corruption, prostitution, ethnic and religious conflicts, and political instability which have continued to ravage the country despite the end of military dictatorship.

For this reason, socialists will be against the NCP forming an electoral alliance or entering a government with any party that tries to administer capitalism. The party membership should be against pro-capitalist and opportunist alliances. Instead, we should advocate that the NCP offer a united front, on a definite programme, for joint struggles with any party that the NLC might sponsor as well as NANS, trade unions, community associations, processional bodies, and other popular organisations.

Another factor that will determine how far the NCP will go is how the party is managed and controlled. This will even be of greater importance if the party is registered and succeeded in winning some elective offices. The party will only be impregnable if it is built as a democratic mass party with control of the affairs of the party by the active rank and file members at all levels. To distinguish the party from all the corrupt capitalist parties and prevent political careerism and corruption, public officials elected on the platform of the party must receive the average wage of a skilled worker.

Though not a socialist organisation, the potential of the NCP to be built as a mass working people’s party explains why members of Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM) have been involved in it from the onset. Alongside other members, we will continue to struggle to build the party while striving, through patient explanation, to win the party members and activists to socialist and internationalist perspectives and programme which are indispensable if the party is to achieve its declared goal of abolition of poverty and emancipation of the labouring masses.

As we about to go to press, it was finally announced that the local government elections scheduled for 10th August, has been postponed indefinitely. The election actually ought to have held before May 2002 when the three-year tenure of local government officials who assumed office in May 1999 expired. However, the local government election, as with so many other issues such as budgets, revenue allocation, electoral law, etc, has been characterised by numerous controversies and disagreements among members of the ruling class.

Among other problems, INEC has failed to compile a new voters' register needed for both the local government and the general election of next year, claiming lack of fund. At the moment, eight months into the year, the 2002 budget is yet to be signed into law due to disagreement between the presidency and the National Assembly. Many supporters of the status quo argue that these controversies are an attribute of a democratic government, which Nigeria is supposed to be operating. They however ignore the fact that most of these disagreements are informed by selfish desires and interests of the various factions of the ruling class rather than over any principle on how to genuinely take the nation forward or improve the poor living standards of the overwhelming majority of the people.

Political thuggery and violence has become the norm. This has resulted in the killing of hundreds of people in the past three years. Lately, the primaries and internal elections organised by the recognised political parties to select candidates for the local government elections were marred by bloody violence in most parts of the country. For example, in Kaduna State, seven people were killed during the PDP local council election primaries (The Guardian, 16th July, 2002). This shows the desperation of the capitalist politicians to either retain or acquire power, all in a bid to be in positions to loot the treasury. With intra-party elections being characterised by such manipulations and violence, it should be expected that the coming inter-party local government and general elections would feature widespread rigging and violence unless there are concrete interventions by the labour movement and the working masses.

These developments, once more, underscore the inherent instability of Nigerian neo-colonial capitalism. It can neither guarantee prosperity or peace for the working people. Therefore, the task of organising to overthrow it and replace it with a democratic socialist order should be seen as the most urgent and most important historical task before the labour movement and the oppressed masses.

We call on workers, students, the youth, peasant farmers, artisans, professionals, traders and other sections of the working people to join and become members of Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM) so that we can jointly struggle together to create a free and decent society in which poverty, exploitation and oppression will have no place.

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The Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM) is affiliated to the Committee for a Workers' International (CWI). The CWI is an international socialist organisation. It is organised in 35 countries and works to unite the working class and oppressed peoples against global capitalism and to fight for a socialist world.

For more details, including CWI publications, write to: CWI, P.O. Box 3688, London, E11 IYE or e-mail [email protected]. CWI website:http//www.socialistworld.net