Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM)

For struggle, Solidarity and Socialism in Nigeria

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Each time an incumbent civilian government had organised a general election in post independent Nigeria, the elections and its outcome had always ended in disaster. Intra and inter party violence, official riggings and manipulations had always been the main features of these "elections". Each of these elections had always ended by preserving in power, the very forces against which widespread demand for changes were being made!

The impression is being formed, even if inadvertently, that Nigeria is jinxed and can never organise free, fair and acceptable elections. Socialists must explain the reasons why successive generation of Nigeria's civilian bourgeois class have been unable and will never be able to organise genuine, free and fair elections. Socialists must always be prepared to debunk the impression that something is congenitally wrong with Nigerians and the Blackman in general.

We must continue to explain to the working class and youth that the perennial failure of Nigeria's ruling class, and that of their counter-parts across Africa and the rest of the so-called underdeveloped world, is primarily a function of the backward dependent capitalist nature of the economy which prevails in these societies.

For instance, when in 1960, British imperialism was forced to quit power in Nigeria, it made sure that it handed power to the most pliant sectors of the local ruling class through which it hoped to continue to exploit Nigeria's resources and its working people. This kind of predatory strategy, of course, runs against the interest of Nigeria and its people. And as usual in this kind of situation, most of the politicians that acquired power on the basis of this capitalist and imperialist ideological orientation quickly revealed their self serving nature; looting and abuse of powers constituted the greatest virtues practised by the rulers.

Unlike most members of the capitalist ruling class in Europe, USA, etc, who mostly engage or engage others in politics to protect their economic interests in industry, agriculture, construction, mining, finance, etc, most members of the local capitalist class engage in politics as their primary means of remaining bourgeois. Every worthwhile venture in industry, agriculture, finance, construction, oil, etc, are under the stranglehold of imperialism and its multi-national corporations. Thus, to be somebody, one has to be in the good book of imperialism the real controllers of the economy.

From experience, those that have been in power have realised that the only way to continue to be somebody in the bourgeois world, particularly in neo-colonial countries like Nigeria, is to continue to remain in power. This partly is the source of the sit-tight, one party regime syndrome that dominated and still, to certain extent, dominates the feature of politics in Nigeria and other parts of Africa.

The "corrective" military regimes have neither fared better. These regimes from Ghana to Togo, Republic of Benin, Liberia, Ivory Coast, Niger Republic, Sierra Leone, etc, have always, whenever forced by mass pressure to quit power, either transformed themselves into the new "civilian" rulers or put in power, as Obasanjo military junta did in 1979, the most corrupt layers of the civilian wing of the capitalist class whose own primary quest for power is treasury looting and self-aggrandisement.

It is only by correctly understanding the class character of Nigeria's economy and its ruling class that one can appreciate why every general election has always been an organised violence and fraud and while this deplorable trend may continue in the future. Only a mass party that enjoys active and conscious participation and control of the working people across the country can be in a position to checkmate this undemocratic culture of electoral riggings, especially if it has a programme for revolutionary socialist transformation of society.

This line of reasoning had over the years formed the bedrock of DSM's ideology and strategy. When the late military dictator, General Sani Abacha, came up with the junta's dubious transition agenda, Marxists at that time had maintained total opposition to the charade.

In "Nigeria's Crisis: Breaking The Vicious Circle", a 1996 DSM publication, these, amongst other things, were what we said on the military transition programme:

"The bankruptcy and opportunism of the bourgeois politicians and their military counterparts is to be located within the insoluble structural crisis of the neo-colonial capitalist system..................the main levers of the economy are owned and controlled by capitalist imperialist corporations from the main advanced capitalist countries like UK, USA, France, Japan, Germany, Italy, etc. Flag independence in 1960 merely gave rise to a new set of local bourgeois collaborators, who having found themselves in power, saw it merely as an opportunity to get the fattest crumbs from the table of UAC, PZ, Lever Brothers, Julius Berger, Shell Petroleum, AP, Texaco, Total, etc. This aside from the loot they made from civil and military bureaucracies running into billions of naira annually".

"The retired generals want to peacefully enjoy their loots without any fear thereafter of being called into account. As a result, they cannot afford to be enthusiastic about any transition programme to democracy and if at all there must be a transition, it must be one that will only transfer power to their allies within the civilian class".

"Coming from the background of an undemocratic transition programme, resting on an economic system which directly or otherwise condemns the overwhelming majority of the working people to a state of perpetual poverty and as such, cannot yield true democratic rights to the masses, the likely successors to Abacha junta should be expected to be as corrupt and undemocratic as their military predecessors. Unless a powerful pan-Nigerian movement of the working people develops as soon as possible in that kind of situation to remove such a government or hold in check its anti-democratic conducts, things can become so bad that, sooner than imagined, many people will begin to yearn for a military solution again. In a nutshell, so long as capitalism lasts in Nigeria, there can be no basis for an enduring democratic civil rule" (p. 40-42).

When the General Abdulsalami Abubakar led military junta came up with its own transition programme, the DSM maintained the same line of reasoning. When President Obasanjo's regime just came to power, we had amongst other things said: "most certainly, the conduct of the bourgeois civilian politicians under an Obasanjo's presidency will sooner than later give democracy a bad reputation, thus creating a favourable atmosphere for military coups. Most of the leading lights of the transition programme are so financially broke that they are eagerly awaiting to descend on the nation's treasury like locusts. Yet more than ever before huge and substantial resources are needed to cushion the unrelenting hardship that had been the lot of the masses for almost two decades now." (Socialist Democracy, Special Bulletin, April, 1999).

The reason why we have made these extensive quotations from our previous publications should be clear. There can never be genuine elections as long as the capitalist class controls power. The very essence of power, especially under neo-colonial capitalism, rests on brazen economic robbery and barbaric political manipulations and repressions.

The military "transition" programme that brought the present crop of politicians to power was carefully packaged in such a way that only the most corrupt and pro-capitalist elements were given chance to participate. Arbitrary rules which can only be met by capitalist looters were set as preconditions for parties to be registered. In addition, outrageous fees were imposed to ensure that only moneybags and looters participate in politics. At the end of the day, only the PDP, APP and AD were allowed to participate in the general elections organised by the military.

Right from the beginning, an agendum had been set for the then incoming civilian regime by both imperialism and the military faction of the bourgeois class then in power. In line with the prevailing global capitalist syndrome, imperialism demands total control over the main levers of the economy in agriculture, industry, construction, petroleum, mining, finance, etc. The most fanciful words under the new milieu are privatisation, liberalisation, deregulation, commercialisation, down sizing (a.k.a retrenchment), etc. Everything should go or be left for private highest bidder! Of course, given imperialism's superior economic and financial advantages over its local counterparts, there can be no doubt for a minute as to who stands to make the best kill from this usurious anti-working class, anti-poor ideology.

As for the local bourgeois, its second fiddle role in the nation's economy is something which it has accepted. All this layer is pre-occupied with is how to get the fattest cuts from the peoples' rip off. But unlike imperialism, members of this stratum, per force, mostly have to live in the same city or country with the victims of their unjust system.

If genuine democracy is allowed, the working masses would strive to run the economy and society in such a way that will bring better improvement in their own lives, as opposed to the prevailing arrangement where only a tiny proportion of the population of the country is living in stupendous opulence while the overwhelming majority wallow in insoluble misery in the presence of inexhaustible resources. So, something has to give in And, for the capitalist class, this is a very simple problem. Money first, the masses last, if possible.

As capitalist politicians, most elements in the PDP, ANPP and AD were too busy plotting to loot as much as they could, within the constraint of the limited time and resources at their disposal, than to be bothered about bringing to book their erstwhile military competitors and tormentors, for any act of financial impropriety and abuse of powers. Characteristic of neo-colonial bourgeois, their own pre-occupation is centred on how to perpetuate themselves in power.

All sections of the capitalist class, internationally and across the parties, agree with the continuation of the capitalist system, i.e. the continuation of the most rapacious exploitation of the nation's resources at the expense of the working people.

This was why all the leaders of the PDP, ANPP and AD fought up to Supreme Court level to prevent the emergence of the new political parties, particularly those with pro-masses bent, like the NCP. All of these parties, together with foreign capital, fully agree to fleece the country dry, sell all its worthwhile assets and resources to private capitalist corporations and individuals. Naturally, they would all expect to enjoy their profits and loots in peace.

Hence, everything must be done to prevent and subvert the true democratic aspirations of the working people in order to maintain "stability and peace".

Today, when it is so clear that the so-called elections was marred by fundamental irregularities across the country, imperialism and most members of the local capitalist class turned deaf ears to even complaints of their own classmates like Buhari, Ojukwu, etc. Why not? After all, Obasanjo and co seem to be in control of the situation. The rot goes on. It is business as usual.

And, if tomorrow, the military wing of the ruling class successfully snatches power from Obasanjo's "democratic" government, so long as the new power holders pledge to continue with privatisation drive and maintain the socio-economic status quo, members of the capitalist class, locally and internationally, will advance justifiable reasons to do business with the new powers-that-be.

Here lies the crux of the matter. The capitalist controllers of the economy and by extension, the political powers, can never willingly and voluntarily organise free and fair elections that will bring to power a political party like the NCP which promises to fight corruption and implement welfarist programmes that will surely eat deep into the stolen wealth of members of the thieving capitalist class.

The problem is never with the organisers of elections but with the unjust system they are trying to foist on the working people. There is no reasonable way to expect workers and youths to vote willingly for political parties that expressly pledge more retrenchment, poor wages, underfunding of educational and health institutions, etc. But these ends precisely are what are being demanded by capitalist lords, nationally and internationally. That is why elections in bourgeois societies, particularly neo-colonial type, must always remain rigmarole.

It does not matter whether the country is being ruled by an Interim Government headed by Chief Justices or by some other contraptions; it does not matter whether the purpose of such an interim government is to organise new elections to bring forth a new administration or just to organise an election for the delegates to a Sovereign National Conference or whatever, members of the capitalist ruling class will always use their economic leverage, their control of political and military apparatuses to achieve predetermined results, either by hook or crook!

The only way to checkmate the incessant political robbery by members of the capitalist class is to build a very powerful, independent political party of the working masses, which has enough active members in all nooks and crannies of the country. Such a party must be led by conscious working class and youth elements who are consciously committed to the struggle to abolish capitalism and for a democratic, socialist order. Only such class-conscious elements can not be easily befuddled by the diversionary campaigns and propaganda of the capitalist class nor its poisonous financial inducements and corruption before and during electioneering processes.

Only a powerful revolutionary mass party of this kind can mobilise the vast majority of the working masses to such an extent that the usual ruling class resorts to thuggery and state violence can either be neutralised or effectively countered and checkmated.


In sheer perversion, Nigeria's 2003 general elections will go down in history as the most outrageous rape of a democratic process.

Everything from the beginning showed that the powers-that-be would not allow any opposition to their continuation in power. This resulted in an unholy alliance between PDP, APP and AD's top leaders within the National Assembly and the presidency not to allow the emergence of new political parties.

In the event, the National Assembly passed a law towards this end and the executive, through its marionette, the so-called Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), came up with impossible pro-rich conditionalities that have to be met by new political parties before they can be legally allowed to contest elections.

Even when the Supreme Court ordered INEC to register new parties on the basis of the 1999 constitution and not on the basis of its own impossible conditionalities, INEC and the executive still dilly-dally for a few more weeks until December 17, 2003 when it finally complied with the court's order and gave certificates of registration to a new set of political parties including the NCP.

Still bent on its pre-determined agenda of preserving the PDP, ANPP and AD in power, INEC on the 22nd of December 2003 came up with another anti-democratic demand, called "processing fees". Under this "processing fees" rule, a Presidential candidate, Governorship candidate, Senatorial candidate, House of Reps candidate, and House of Assembly candidate were expected to pay a sum of N500,000, N300,00, N250,000, N150,000 and N50,000 respectively.

It is needless to say that these prescribed fees were deliberately designed to frustrate the participation of financially weak, pro-masses parties like the NCP. It took another round of political protests and legal struggles before these unconstitutional outrageous fees were scrapped by the court.


A central issue in any election is the voters register. As a matter of fact, this issue of voters register is one of the fundamental statutory duties of INEC under the 1999 constitution. Suffice to note, INEC for most part of the four years it had to prepare for the April/May 2003 general elections failed to properly perform its duties in this respect. Under the constitution, there is no provision for the operation of an unelected local government administration. Yet, since March 2002, all the local governments' executives across the country have been hand-picked by their respective state governors or governments. Reason: INEC did not compile the voters register as at when necessary and so when the tenure of the elected local government official expired, there was no valid voters register to conduct new elections and so they were replaced with handpicked, loyalist elements by state governments.

Significantly however, neither the ANPP nor the AD complained against this flagrant breach of INEC's statutory duty. Why? Because all of them, as birds of the same feathers, stand to benefit from the arbitrariness made possible by INEC's neglect or dereliction of its duties.

Again, when belatedly INEC decided to compile the voters register, the entire exercise from the beginning to the end was riddled with deliberate bungling and manipulations. With the connivance of INEC officials, the PDP, ANPP and AD had a swell time perpetrating multiple registrations and all other forms of electoral fraud. When the PDP, ANPP and AD and their candidates were spending money lavishly on adverts and campaigns in general against the Electoral Act and rule of fair play, INEC turned blind eyes because the "anointed" were the ones involved!

Even then, nothing in its previous history of perfidy and bunglings prepared the working masses and all genuine lovers of democracy for the travesty and perversions which characterised INEC's actual conduct of the elections.

The volume, depth and sophistication of the multi-varied malpractices perpetrated and /or tolerated by INEC in the actual conducts of the elections were simply prodigious and outrageous. Everything that can enhance the chances of its pre-determined " winners" to win the poll was fair and acceptable. The NCP national leadership at a world press conference held on May 7, 2003 actually identified 42 different ways by which INEC and its collaborators subverted the electoral rules in order to enable its "anointed" candidates win the elections.

To underline the nature and complexities of some of the acts of electoral subversions and perversions perpetrated by the three ruling parties (PDP, ANPP and AD), we shall make some quotations from the official reports made by the European Union Election Observation Missions (EUEOM) on the elections.


"The EUEOM observers witnessed and obtained evidence of widespread election fraud in certain states. Many instances of ballot stuffing, changing of results and other serious irregularities were observed in Cross River, Delta, Enugu, Kaduna, Imo and Rivers. The elections in these states lack credibility and appropriate measures must be taken by the relevant authorities".

"Similar irregularities were observed to a lesser extent in a number of other states, including Anambra, Benue, Edo, Katsina and Nasarawa. These incidents undermined the integrity of the electoral process in these states".

"In many other states in the country and in particular in the south-west (including Lagos), elections were by and large orderly and improvements were noted in the distribution of election materials, the timely opening of polling stations and in some places, the secrecy of the votes. Nevertheless, also in these states, substantial flaws and weaknesses remain, e.g. with voters lists, ballot distribution and safe guards against multiple voting".

"Delayed and repeated polls for the National Assembly elections were not conducted in a transparent and credible manner".

"In Kaduna, several wards recorded exceptionally high turnouts as well as results in stark contrast to the general pattern of the other wards, ANPP won in the presidential elections and the PDP in governorship; elsewhere ANPP is the winner of both elections. At a collation centre, observers even witnessed two party agents from PDP and ANPP marking side by side unused ballots, respectively for Governor and Federal President".

"In Imo, observers reported that party agents on the spot had signed the result sheet with 200 more ballots cast than ballots issued and were receiving money before leaving the polling station. In Nassarawa State, voters' cards were distributed by ANPP activists. In Kaduna, distribution of voters cards by PDP supporters were also observed".

"Observers also reported abuse of identification cards for party agents or even in some cases domestic observers. In Bauchi, observers saw alleged ANPP party agents advising voters to vote for incumbent president. In Enugu, an alleged domestic observer was seen participating in the stuffing of a ballot box".


"Media performance during the Nigerian elections was flawed, as it failed to provide unbiased, fair and informative coverage of the political parties and candidates contesting elections. This was a result of a variety of factors: the financial instability of the Nigerian media, the low purchasing power of the population, illiteracy, electricity shortages, media reliance on sponsorship for survival, a media culture of deference to the party in power, problems of professional development and the weakness of both government and self-regulations. Media outlets were largely unable to overcome these barriers and provide adequate coverage of the 2003 elections".


The EUEOM reports said nothing on the role of the security forces. Suffice to note however, most security operatives, at all relevant times, during the elections processes in issue, primarily saw their role as that of the watch dogs of the status quo. Just as most of these forces operate in normal periods, their services were readily and exclusively rendered for anyone with money, and particularly those in authorities in their respective areas of operations.

Several brazen acts of electoral riggings and manipulations were done with the active connivance of most security operatives. Most of the time, most of these operatives behaved in ways that made it clear to all and sundry that no one will be allowed to interfere with INEC's and government's pre-conceived results.

For instance, the PDP political machineries (including state security forces) deliberately ensured the defeat of Ghalli Na'Aba, PDP candidate and former Speaker of the House of Representatives, seen as a thorn in the flesh of Obasanjo/Atiku led presidency in his re-election bid into the House of Representatives in Kano state. Meanwhile, in Abia state, a man called Chief Adolphus Wabara lost his re-election bid into the senate to an ANPP co-contestant, Elder Dan Chinyere Imo. But being one of those which INEC and the PDP machineries had deemed "winners" before the commencement of the elections, the declaration of victory to the ANPP candidate was immediately reversed and the PDP candidate proclaimed "winner" in accordance with the original script! Today, Wabara is, protocol wise, the third citizen, as the senate president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria!

Under the relevant Electoral Act, there are copious rules on how candidates can emerge, on when and how to submit candidates' lists, nomination forms and if necessary, how and when changes and substitution can be made with respect to these candidates. But with the active connivance of all layers of the security services and PDP political machineries, INEC allowed the leadership of PDP, ANPP and AD to indulge in arbitrary submissions and removal of candidates' names.

Through this process, the national leadership of the three ruling parties (PDP, ANPP and AD) had a swell time removing any name that did not catch their fancy and replacing them with their own cronies, regardless of the feelings and decisions of the party structures and members in the constituencies of the affected candidates. Now, this particular form of electoral abuse has created a peculiar absurdity, a situation where INEC has awarded "victories" to PDP in parts of south-west and Oyo state without known candidates. In Anambra State, it awarded senatorial victories to three persons who were not candidates in the election.

INEC's recklessness knows no bound. In Ogun state, it gave a total of 1,360,170 votes to the PDP presidential candidate, General Olusegun Obasanjo, but gave a combined votes of 747,296 to all the governorship candidates. Meanwhile, each voter in the said "election" was given two ballot papers, one for presidency and one for governorship. So, if Obasanjo's votes alone were more than the combined votes for the governorship candidates, then, the logical question to ask is what happened to the over three hundred thousand ballot papers collected by voters for use in the governorship elections? Were they voided, or were they returned unused? These, of course, are apparent irritating trifles which nobody should expect the almighty INEC to bother itself with so far the "anointed" has emerged "winner".


The EUEOM report did not also provide detailed reports on the widespread electoral malpractices that ensured the "victory" of the AD in Lagos state, especially against the background of the serious routing of the party in its other 5 south-west states under its controlled.

By failing to give elaborate details of the electoral malpractices in Lagos State for instance, the EUEOM reports and top leaders of AD in the state and their paid and retained media tend to give the misleading impression that what went for elections in Lagos State was fairly passable. That the malpractices recorded in Lagos State did not fundamentally affect the fairness of the elections in the state. This is the exact opposite of the reality.

Despite its scantiness on the details of electoral malpractices in the state, the EUEOM itself was forced to admit the truth when it states: "Nevertheless, also in these states, (i.e. south-west including Lagos) substantial flaws and weaknesses remain, e.g. with voters' lists, ballot distribution and safeguards against multiple voting".

Of course, the EUEOM either did not know or choose not to make issue out of the "Jeun Soke" spirit i.e. the widespread use of physical cash both by AD and PDP, but more massively by the AD, to induce voters to vote for their parties. The slogan "Jeun Soke" literarily means collect money and thumbprint the first logo on the ballot paper and this being AD. This became necessary because of the apparent mass apathy shown towards the AD, PDP and the entire electoral processes. Most of the people recruited to vote on the basis of "Jeun Soke" phenomenon were mostly illiterate and/or those who had become so disillusioned and cynical to the extent that they believed that if they didn't collect the money being paid by these political merchants, they would end up getting nothing. To these set of people, a better life agenda is an impossibility.

The electioneering campaign of Governor Bola Tinubu and the AD in Lagos state was doubtless the most expensive in the history of party politics since the creation of the state in 1967. As at the last count, 57 different coloured posters of Governor Tinubu were printed and distributed in millions in all nooks and crannies of Lagos state. Huge sum of money were also spent on all types of adverts, print media, electronic media and out door adverts, aside from hundreds of millions probably spent on retained journalists, writers and media establishments.

As the ruling party in Lagos state, Tinubu and the AD leaders mobilised all state apparatuses from Neighbourhood Watch men down to all sections of the security forces within the state in order to procure "victory" for the party's candidates at all cost. During the campaigns, all sorts of material inducements such as cassettes, T-shirts, money, etc, were freely distributed by the AD leaders and Governor Tinubu in particular. Desperate to get the support of the city terror "the area boys" Tinubu's Independent Campaign Group (ICG) bought and distributed a lot of DSTV satelite television decoders to several "area boys" gangs on Lagos Island for instance.

All political appointees of the AD in the state never for a day spared any cost or equipment of the state to campaign for the "victories" of the party's candidates. Thus, official vehicles and state's personnel were freely used to pursue the purely partisan objectives of the AD, this aside from millions of naira of public funds spent to put up adverts for either the "re-election" of Governor Tinubu, or the party's other candidates in general.

Thus, by whatever yardstick used in measurement, the April/May 2003 "elections", both at central and state levels were an organised sham. Long before the commencement of the elections, the "winners" had been pre-determined behind the scenes by the INEC and the ruling parties. The actual conduct of the elections in the given circumstances was therefore nothing but the most brazen electoral robbery ever perpetrated by any government and electoral agency in the history of party politics in Nigeria.


But why are the eternally suffering masses not up in arms and war against this brazen political robbery? Put differently, does the outcome of the said elections actually reflect the free and voluntary mandate of the electorates as being falsely claimed by the "winners" of Nigeria's worst electoral robbery?

On April 14, 2003, two days after the National Assembly "elections", the then six governors of the south-west states controlled by the AD met in Pa Abraham Adesanya's house at Apapa, Lagos, to review the elections. At the end of the review, the AD leaders in the south-west, using the platform of Afenifere, issued a communiqué which in part states: "The elections held in AD-controlled states were far from being free and fair in many respects. The PDP deployed federal might to give itself undue advantage". (The Punch, April 15, 2003).

Warning that the wrath of the Yoruba people will descend on PDP, should it attempt to rig the then future elections, the administrative secretary of Afenifere, Mr. Yinka Odumakin, declared: "the Yoruba people will resist any repeat of violation of their rights and resist the agents of destabilisation who are bent on preventing them from exercising their civic right and manipulate their votes. We have put people on red alert to identify the collating centres where these manipulations are taking place in all the six states in the zone and take necessary steps to put a stop to this no matter the cost". (Our emphasis).

The then AD governor in Oyo State, Alhaji Lam Adesina, at the same press briefing where Afenifere issued the above quoted communiqué, had pointedly declared: "We are waiting for them on Saturday, (the day of governorship/presidential elections - ed), let them dare it (i.e. rig the elections - ed), they will see". The two quotations above are from The Guardian of Tuesday, April 15, 2003, p. 2.

On its part, the ANPP not only described the elections as fraud, its presidential candidate, General Mohammed Buhari actually called for "mass action" to make the country ungovernable if the results of these fraudulent elections were not cancelled. APGA's presidential candidate, Chief Emeka Ojukwu, first declared himself the "winner" only later to proclaim the ANPP presidential candidate, General Buhari, as the "winner".

The NCP presidential candidate, Chief Gani Fawehinmi has been quoted to the effect that Obasanjo's presidency will collapse before the end of its expected constitutional tenure.

There were several threats against the inauguration of the "new civilian" governments across the country. Significantly however, the masses, seemed not interested in any "mass action" against the political usurpers that hold sway at the central and state levels.

Could this fact be due to the alleged fact that they have not suffered enough? Or is it that the masses themselves are incapable of fighting for their own political and economic emancipation? In order to have a sober and balanced appraisal of the masses' mood and reactions to the wholesome political robbery in issue, it will be useful at this stage, to undertake a brief scientific and political survey of the ANPP, AD and NCP for instance, vis-à-vis their chances of winning the elections in issue.


Chapter Two Continues ...



Chapter One: Background

Chapter Two: The 2003 Elections 

Chapter Three: The Four Years Of Civil Rule

Chapter Four Political Perspectives

Chapter Five: Nationality Question

Chapter Six: A Working Class Solution Needed

Chapter Seven: Deregulation And Fuel Price Hike

Appendix: General Strike Against Fuel Price Rises The Lesson For The Working Masses