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Socialist Democracy November 2004

Question: The National Conscience Party held its national congress on September 25, 2004, but the election of the new leadership as an item on the agenda could not take place as a result of agitation led by the Lagos chapter of the party. What informed this action of the chapter?

Answer: The National congress of September 25, 2004 was supposed to be an important landmark in the history of the NCP because it coincided with the tenth year anniversary of the party. In a proper sense therefore, the congress ought to have been a gathering where far reaching political and organizational conclusions on how to put the party on a stronger footing for the coming period would be taken. Unfortunately however, majority of the NEC members who were in control of the party at the national level exhibited conspicuous political and organizational conducts that could only eventually kill the party, if not quickly checkmated, as a fighting weapon of the oppressed masses of the country, in the immediate, medium and long-term period.

For instance, the NEC majority had for all practical purposes and intents, consciously and/or unconsciously, abandoned the method of carrying out programmes primarily oriented to raise mass consciousness at all levels to that which virtually strives to subsume the party's independent activities within amorphous bodies such as CNPP, a body that is largely dominated by corrupt, anti-poor, pro-capitalist politicians of the ANPP, AD, etc.

Inspite of the fact that the 2003 general election was massively rigged by the ruling parties across the country, agitations against anti-poor policies such as incessant hike in fuel prices, INEC's and Obasanjo government's 3½ years undemocratic war to prevent the emergence of new political parties, etc was what largely accounted for the relative electoral successes of the NCP (in comparison with other parties registered at the same time) in the 2003 general elections.

Sadly however, not only that this NEC majority were abandoning activities which could help to build the party as a fighting weapon of the masses with a view to abolishing mass poverty which was the primary reason for the formation of the party in the first instance, it now developed an orchestrated plan to destroy the party in any place where there appeared some semblance of independent mass activities. Ogun state chapter was the first "experimental guinea pig" used by this NEC majority to overwhelm the party with elements like Mr. Lanre Banjo, a US based, former governorship candidate of the party in Ogun state and others who are largely creations of the bourgeois media or products of ethno geo-political balancing. Without qualms, this NEC majority disbanded the Adeola Soetan led state executive of the party, suspended Soetan himself alongside the state PRO, in person of Sina Onifade, from the party, on the basis of non-existing "rival state executives" and also allegedly for making baseless claim of rotten compromise and opportunism against the National General Secretary of the party, Mr. Femi Aborisade. To conclude this charade, a fake election had now been organised by this NEC majority with the sole purpose of handing over the party in Ogun state to a "sole administrator" in person of Lanre Banjo. The former Deputy Legal Adviser to the party, Adeyinka Olumide-Fusika, an exceptionally active builder of the party in Lagos State, his base, and also at the national level, was unceremoniously suspended from the party for six months, allegedly for using "foul language" against a fellow NEC member, Dr. Osagie Obayuwana, incidentally the current Acting National Chairman!

Meanwhile, the National Deputy Chairman, South West, Alhaji Amitolu Shitu, who used his position within the NCP to help some party members to collect damages for certain injuries but failed to turn over the money collected to the beneficiaries merely bagged a three months suspension!

Most disgracefully however, this NEC majority shamelessly refused to sanction, despite a motion to that effect, Messrs Lanre Banjo and Peter Omoragbon who severally and collectively had in actual fact exhibited conducts antithetical to the objectives and tradition of a party like the NCP. Lanre Banjo previously carried out unjustifiable physical assault against party members amongst other anti-party activities, while Omoragbon had used his position as an NCP NEC member to dupe certain members of the public through an NGO which he operates. Both still retain their positions on the NEC!

While this dirty self-destructive politics was going on, this NEC majority also adopted guidelines/rules with respect to the organisation of the 2004 national congress. In every important aspect, that guidelines/rules were deliberately designed to abrogate the democratic rights of the vast majority of the party members so that the undemocratic, right wing majority on the NEC could drive out those genuinely building the party at the grassroot level as a fighting weapon of the masses.

As I said before, CNPP today harbours virulent pro-rich, anti-poor parties like the ANPP, AD, NDP, etc but notwithstanding this fact, this NEC majority largely held and possibly still hold the false view that a beneficial solution to the numerous problems confronting the masses can only come from an arrangement where NCP forms a political bloc, alliance, or whatever with these mindless self-serving capitalist political jobbers. Chapters of the party like the Lagos state, who have been striving to build the party as a fighting platform, built primarily within the masses became an obstacle to the political perspectives of these NEC majority and for that reason, artificial and undemocratic rules were adopted to guide the September 25, 2004 National Congress of the party. On the composition of the National Congress, article 4:1:2 of the party constitution states: "It shall consist of delegates and observers. The delegates shall consist of members of the National Coordinating Council and a proportional number of representatives per State membership of the party".

Against this clear-cut constitutional provisions, this NEC majority mischievously, at a NEC meeting in Bauchi, (attended by only four members), decided that each state and overseas branches were to be represented by four delegates each. Outwardly, this may appear like a just decision, after all, every state was given "equal treatment". In reality however, this was the most insidious rule designed to use artificial equality to undermine the influence of the active builders of the party at the grassroot level by delegates who have no track records of building structures of the party in their respective states. Membership of the party varies from state to state. Hence, the constitutional provision that delegates to the congress shall, among other things, be chosen on the basis of proportional membership/strength of each state. The idea behind this constitutional provision is to ensure that at any point in time, congresses of the party, as much as possible, reflect the strength of the party across the country.

Several party members in some states, most especially Lagos, that took serious objections to this right wing shift together with its bureaucratic and undemocratic manoevours consequently embarked on agitations before and during the congress to prevent the election of the new leadership of the party on the basis of this undemocratic contraption/rules prescribed by this NEC majority. At the end of the day, the election of new officers was postponed by one year, pending which a new democratically organised elections can be held. Many genuine party members at the occasion felt naturally vindicated as the outcome of the meeting. However, it is important to note that the continued existence and relevance of the NCP remains seriously threatened for as long as this kind of short-sighted, self-serving elements pre-dominate the party leadership at the National, state and local levels. Here precisely lie the tasks for genuine party builders in the immediate period ahead. To start with, the Osagie Obayuwana leadership must be asked to review all the controversial decisions made the NEC majority in issue and especially petitions written against some of these decisions with a view to right all wrongs arising from these decisions.

Q: Chief Gani Fawehinmi, far back in April 2004 stated that having served as National Chairman for ten years amongst other personal reasons, he would no longer seek re-election to that post at the September 25 2004 national congress. But the Lagos chapter was apparently unimpressed with this position and instead mounted agitation that Chief Gani Fawehinmi should seek re-election as the National Chairman of the party. Why?

A: Yes, the Lagos State chapter was squarely in the forefront of the agitation that chief Gani Fawehinmi should seek re-election as the national chairman of the party for several reasons. We in fact, organised a peaceful demonstration to Chief Gani Fawehinmi's office with a ten-point reason why Gani should seek re-election. We the Lagos NCP firmly held and still hold the view that Chief Gani is still one of the greatest political assets that should be maximally utilized to build the NCP as a fighting political party of the oppressed masses. Chief Gani is one of the few long standing, most consistent pro-masses welfarist leaders this country can presently boast of. He is one of the few Nigerians that can be said to have wide, genuine spontaneous acceptability among the working masses across the country. Yes, this did not show in the contrived result declared with respect to the 2003 general elections by the government surrogate called Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). However, the kind of enthusiasm with which Gani's and NCP's campaigns were generally received by layers of the working masses across the country, wherever effort in that direction were made, remains an indelible source of inspiration that the party can yet be built as a formidable political instrument of struggle of the working masses across the country. Henceforth, in preparation towards 2007 general elections, the party must redouble its effort in fighting against all anti-poor economic and political policies of the ruling parties and governments and place conscious and consistent emphasis on building organizational and political structures/routes across the country, at states, local governments, wards, street levels, work places, schools and campuses, rural communities, etc. As we prepare for the 2007 general elections Chief Gani Fawehinmi's reputation among the masses, his continued and steadfast effort in supporting the working masses in all their struggles, including the general strikes and protest against incessant hike in fuel prices, etc, makes him a strong political asset for a party like NCP that does not have stolen money to throw around. Without taking anything personal from the ability of other NCP leaders and members, Gani presently has far and wider political reputation and support across the country. Of course, he can, as an ordinary party member, continue to make his contributions to building the party. We however hold the view that his contributions could be better utilized as a national chairman.

Unfortunately however, a person like Mr. Lanre Banjo regards our position in this respect as equivalent of a movement, which under military rule campaigned that Abacha should transform himself to a civilian president from his position as military ruler. To say the least, this is a very, very outlandish, outrageous and baseless analogy. In building the NCP to what it is today, the contributions of the party leaders and members in Lagos State were second to none. It is therefore outlandish to equate a Lagos chapter of the party with the self-sponsored anti-people's campaign by a body called Youth Earnestly Ask Abacha (YEAA). It is equally sad that a man like Chief Gani Fawehinmi, who for years has been waging dogged struggle for the general political and economic right of the working masses, can be likened to late General Sanni Abacha, one of the most ruthless, corrupt and repressive rulers this country has produced.

The political game plan of characters like Mr. Lanre Banjo should be clear to every active and conscious member of NCP. The idea simply is to rid the party, at all levels, of genuine pro-masses leaders so that the right wing majority can sell or dissolve the party into any formation that may catch their fancy under the pretext that they are trying to form a "broad formidable national political opposition" to stop the "developing civilian dictatorship" allegedly personified by President Obasanjo and the PDP government even when the major partners in this unprincipled politicking are equally made up of elements and capitalist politicians like President Obasanjo and others who dominate the PDP government. Frankly speaking, the future of the NCP remains very bleak if the kind of political orientation, bureaucratic and opportunistic leadership as represented by these NEC majority continue to hold sway within the party.

Q: You mentioned in passing that a "fake" election had been held to elect new state executives in the Ogun state chapter of the party by this NEC majority. Why do you refer to the election as fake?

A: Before answering your question, let me state categorically that the position of the Lagos State chapter of the NCP is that the basis upon which the Adeola Soetan led state executive was dissolved in the first instance was false and unjust. It is also our position that this NEC majority acted in bad faith by ignoring the petitions asking for the reversal of this dissolution or in the alternative that the said dissolution be referred to the National Coordinating Council of the party. This request was not only ignored, this NEC majority even failed to include the said petitions as an item for discussion at the September 25, 2004 National Congress. On the basis of this, the holding of an election to "elect" new state executives does not arise in the first instance. Now, what do I mean by saying that the "election" in issue was a fake exercise? From all available and uncontradicted records, the NEC committee which conducted the said election merely sent a text message to Mr. Adeola Soetan, three days from the date of the said election and five days from the date when the three months suspension placed on him by this NEC majority have just expired! Suffice to stress, that text message was what was expected to be taken as invitation and notification to all the party structures and members in Ogun state! Presumably of course, the committee must have sent similar message to Mr. Lanre Banjo regarded as the leader of the other "faction". At the end of the day, the "election" was an exclusive affair of Lanre Banjo and his mostly hired supporters where all relevant constitutional provisions and democratic rules, which ought to form the basis of the organisation of a proper state congress of the party, were totally jettisoned. Yes, a "new state executive" has emerged in this charade but every genuine and properly informed party member knows that this fiction being called state executive can not in any sense take the party forward and neither can its emergence resolve the danger/existence of "factional executives" which was the alleged reason given for the dissolution of the Adeola Soetan led executive in the first instance.

To break this vicious circle therefore, the new Osagie Obayuwana national leadership should revisit this NEC majority resolution and conduct with respect to the Ogun state chapter of the party. In doing this, the dissolution of the Adeola led executive must first and foremost be lifted. Thereafter, a new state congress properly organised and conducted on the basis of the relevant provisions of the party's constitution must be conducted as soon as practicable.

Q: With effect from September 25, 2004, Gani relinquished his position as the National Chairman of the party and the Deputy National Chairman, South South, Dr. Osagie Obayuwana was chosen as the Acting National Chairman pending a national congress in a year's time. What are the challenges and tasks that this leadership should address with a view to strengthening the party politically and organizationally for the coming period?

A: Right from the inception, the NCP has, as its central motto: "the abolition of mass poverty" in the midst of inexhaustible and abundant natural and human resources, which abound in the country. In furtherance of this goal, the party during the preparation for the 2003 general elections adopted a ten-care programme, which the party hopes to implement with a view to abolishing mass poverty. These are: "Employment Care, Food Care, Health Care, Housing Care, Education Care, Water Care, Electricity Care, Transportation Care, Telecommunications Care, Security Care". While supporting these demands as well as several other particular policies, programmes of the party, those of us in the DSM that are also members of the NCP have however always canvassed that the party should adopt a rounded anti-capitalist, socialist, socio-political alternative, without which many of these policies can never be substantially implemented by any government, no matter how sincere and pro-masses such leaders could be. More than even in the past, the crisis facing the economy in the contemporary period, made the adoption of a rounded anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, socialist alternative an urgent imperative. Without this kind of outlook, it will be virtually impossible to even build NCP into a formidable fighting party of the masses. At this period of global capitalist history, with particular reference to a neo-colonial society like Nigeria, only a clear-cut ideological alternative can inspire working class people and youth, in the absence of being paid, to take an active interest in devoting their energy and material resources to build a party like an NCP to an extent where it is formidable enough to capture political power.

Unfortunately however, while the NCP national leadership, including Chief Gani Fawehinmi has been very strong on commitment for the struggle for the emancipation of the working masses, the party's manifesto and other key documents have not been that strong in giving precise explanation on the economic and social political framework under which the NCP demands and policies can be implemented. This, in my view, represents a major issue that needs thorough examination and clarification so that a correct political position can be arrived at. Bluntly put, the future of the NCP as a formidable fighting platform of the oppressed can only be assured in the face of contemporary sharp antagonism between the self-serving interest of the capitalist class and the vast majority of the working masses if the party is expressly built as a fighting anti-capitalist and as a socialist oriented party. It is the same contradiction that faces contemporary trade union leaders. On the one hand, this trade union leaders, as amply demonstrated by the leadership of Adams Oshomohle led NLC indicate that they are prepared to take up struggles against certain anti-working class, anti-poor policies of the Obasanjo capitalist government like the incessant hike of fuel prices, etc. But this same leaders have in the main, stubbornly held to the impossible hope and perspective of achieving substantial and lasting concessions that are beneficial to the working masses without having to consciously and frontally challenge the system and proffer a rounded anti-capitalist working class alternative. Sadly to note, this represents the greatest factor that threatens the growth and power of the labour movement shown in general strikes in the recent period.

Another issue that constitutes a decisive factor in determining whether the NCP lives or dies in the coming period, as a formidable political platform of the oppressed masses is how well the party is able to create relevant structures at all levels of the society and polity. One of the lessons taught by the 2003 general elections to us in NCP is that a party can have mass sympathies and followership among the masses, but without proper organizational and political structures/centres at all levels across the country, it might become impossible to get such sympathies and supports translated into victories at election times, especially in the face of an incumbent capitalist government bent on remaining in power through electoral officers manipulations, fraud and riggings. The 2003 general election also reveals that when the party has relevant and functional structures run by dedicated and committed party members, such incidences of official manipulations and rigging can be generally reduced and even checked under certain circumstances.

Consequently, the Osagie Obayuwana led national leadership of the party has an immediate and unavoidable task of putting in the front burner of the party agenda, political and organizational programmes deliberately designed to ensure the emergence of properly constituted party leadership at the ward, local government, state and national levels.

Another issue that will determine the fate of the NCP in the coming period is the party's central orientation. The main emphasis and strategy of developing the party must be primarily based on a method which builds support for the party among working masses in the communities and work places, schools, etc, and not one built on a central orientation and premise of making deals with leadership of other political parities excluding only the PDP as a political alternative to the rot represented by the Obasanjo led PDP government. As explained copiously above, the CNPP for instance, which in a way is a practical fruition of the kind of orientation being described, is largely made up of equally pro-rich, pro-capitalist, anti-poor leaders and elements. No matter the camouflages assumed and radical rhetorics that may be mouthed on any issue by CNPP spokespersons, the fact remains that the CNPP, as far as the working masses interest are concerned, represents the path of political disaster not development. Therefore, the only real way to build the party as a formidable political platform of working class across the country is to adopt primarily a strategy of building the party among the masses and also on the basis of masses struggles. In this respect, the political support and collaboration being adopted towards LASCO in the contemporary general strikes and protests against incessant hike of fuel prices is, in my opinion, a good and positive development. However, it will be important at all times, that this good orientation and intervention in labour struggles is done through an approach which seeks to involve the rank and file party members in the discussion and formulation of policies and method of such interventions. This, in my view, is the only way by which such interventions could have the stamp of organised character. This, of course, also means that there will always be complimentary, independent NCP materials for mobilisation in preparation for and during interventions in general strikes and protests that may be called by LASCO or any other mass organisation of the working people which the NCP deems fit to intervene in. Quite frankly, the tasks before the party under the leadership of Dr. Osagie Obayuwana are very enormous but with a determined commitment to building a genuine fighting political platform of the oppressed masses and an approach which seeks to mobilise every rank and file party member in the most possible democratic manner to achieve this goal, victory can be achieved. Suffice to stress, successes or otherwise on the issues raised above will determine whether the NCP becomes a stronger political force to reckon with in the 2007 general elections or a huge national joke like many other so-called registered political parties today.

Socialist Democracy November 2004