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\levelnfcn23\leveljc0\leveljcn0\levelfollow0\levelstartat1\levelspace0\levelindent0{\leveltext\leveltemplateid67698693\'01\u-3929 ?;}{\levelnumbers;}\f14\chbrdr\brdrnone\brdrcf1 \chshdng0\chcfpat1\chcbpat1\fbias0 \fi-360\li6480\jclisttab\tx6480 } {\listname ;}\listid1064259527}}{\*\listoverridetable{\listoverride\listid1064259527\listoverridecount0\ls1}}{\info{\title The recent period has witnessed an upsurge in political violence as a result of unbridled rivalry between the different factio} {\author DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST MOVEMENT}{\operator bob}{\creatim\yr2002\mo11\dy19\hr10\min17}{\revtim\yr2002\mo11\dy19\hr10\min17}{\version2}{\edmins1}{\nofpages6}{\nofwords17393}{\nofchars99144}{\nofcharsws121755}{\vern8269}} \widowctrl\ftnbj\aenddoc\noxlattoyen\expshrtn\noultrlspc\dntblnsbdb\nospaceforul\formshade\horzdoc\dgmargin\dghspace180\dgvspace180\dghorigin1800\dgvorigin1440\dghshow1\dgvshow1 \jexpand\viewkind1\viewscale100\pgbrdrhead\pgbrdrfoot\splytwnine\ftnlytwnine\htmautsp\nolnhtadjtbl\useltbaln\alntblind\lytcalctblwd\lyttblrtgr\lnbrkrule \fet0\sectd \linex0\endnhere\sectlinegrid360\sectdefaultcl {\*\pnseclvl1 \pnucrm\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta .}}{\*\pnseclvl2\pnucltr\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta .}}{\*\pnseclvl3\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta .}}{\*\pnseclvl4\pnlcltr\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxta )}}{\*\pnseclvl5 \pndec\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}{\*\pnseclvl6\pnlcltr\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}{\*\pnseclvl7\pnlcrm\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}{\*\pnseclvl8\pnlcltr\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang {\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}{\*\pnseclvl9\pnlcrm\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}\pard\plain \s2\qj \li0\ri0\keepn\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\outlinelevel1\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \b\fs40\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {Only The Masses Can Save Civil Rule \par }\pard\plain \qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \fs24\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 { \par The recent period has witnessed an upsurge in political violence as a result of unbridled rivalry between the different factions of the capitalist ruling elite in different parts of the country. During the same period, the so-called Independent National Electoral Committee (INEC) conducted a national voters' exercise which was riddled with fraud and incompetence, preparing the ground for massive rigging in the coming elections. \par \tab Hardly a day goes these days without an in cidence of political violence in one part of the country or the other. All this shows that as the next elections draws nearer, the various gangs within the ruling class are becoming even more desperate and are prepared to use any means either to retain p ower or to get access to it in order, in most cases, to be in the best position to loot the public treasury. \par }\pard\plain \s15\qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \fs24\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {\tab While the December 2001 murder of Chief Bola Ige, the former minister of justice and attorney-general of the country, has attracted the greatest pu blicity, in reality, dozens of lives have been lost in and 100 lives respectively were lost in Plateau and Bayelsa states alone during clashes between rival factions during the election primaries of the People Democratic Party (PDP). In some cases, the v i olence and killings are perpetrated by state-sponsored militia groups such as the Bakassi Boys in the south-eastern states like Anambra and Abia. In some of the states in the northern part of the country, which had introduced the Sharia Islamic legal code , state-backed Sharia enforcement vigilante groups are also being used to intimidate and harass groups and individuals who are opposed to policies of the government. In the south-west, the capitalist politicians are also playing the card of Yoruba national ism, and would not hesitate to use a group like the OPC against their political opponents. With this trend of violence, it is very clear that the next election will be far from free and fair if everything is left to members of the ruling elite. \par }\pard\plain \qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \fs24\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {\tab Without the positive, correct intervention of the working masses and the labour movement, the elections will be characterised by massive rigging and widespread violence, similar to the electoral crisis of 1963/64 and 1983 which paved way for military interventions o n both occasions. \par \tab It shows why the working class and the labour movement must act now before the nation is plunged into another round of vote rigging, orgy of political violence, and possible return of military dictatorship. \par \tab Thus, the DSM calls on the tra de unions, students' unions, NANS, NLC and the NCP to set up grassroot, local, popular and democratic committees to monitor and police the elections in order to ensure free polls. These committees will also ensure that the ranks of workers and youth are n ot divided and used for selfish purpose by the rival groups of capitalist politicians as it used to be the case in the past. \par \tab Beyond this, the renewed wave of political violence and election rigging confirm the inherent instability and insecurity of lives which capitalism means for the Nigerian working masses. The masses will continue to be confronted with the problems of mass poverty, political violence and instability, so long as neo-colonial capitalist rule prevails in Nigeria. Hence, a lasting solution to these monumental problems lies in ending capitalism and replacing it with a workers' and poor farmers' government with a socialist programme which will make the real needs of the overwhelming majority of society and not the greed of a small rich minori t y the basis of governance. And to achieve this objective, the workers movement, the NCP, labour and youth activists must take as a priority the building of a mass, independent working people's party which will serve as the tool for the actualisation of th is historic objective. It is only in this way that the working masses can begin the process of real change, the desire for which informed the struggle against military dictatorship between 1984-1999 \par \par \par \par }\pard\plain \s1\qj \li0\ri0\keepn\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\outlinelevel0\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \b\fs44\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {A Major Victory For NCP \par }\pard\plain \qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \fs24\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 { \par On Friday, November 8, 2002, t he Supreme Court in a unanimous decision dismissed the appeal of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) against the Federal Court of Appeal judgement of 26th July, 2002 which had declared as illegal and unconstitutional the guidelines used b y INEC for the registration of political parties. \par \tab It will be recalled that it was these obnoxious guidelines that INEC used to disqualify the National Conscience Party (NCP) and many other political parties during the last registration exercise. NCP and f our of the parties took INEC to court to challenge the guidelines. The Supreme Court ruled, in agreement with the Court of Appeal, that while INEC has the power to publish guidelines, it cannot issue guidelines that violate sections of the 1999 constituti on which deal with party registration. \par \tab The judgement is no doubt a big victory for the National Conscience Party (NCP) and the other parties which jointly institute the court case. It is indeed a victory for the Nigerian working people who for long had bee n denied an independent political platform and voice of their own by the capitalist ruling class. The major lesson from this victory is that it pays to struggle consistently and persistently, and that if we fight we can win. \par \par }\pard\plain \s2\qj \li0\ri0\keepn\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\outlinelevel1\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \b\fs40\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {THE CHALLENGES BEFORE THE NCP \par }\pard\plain \qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \fs24\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 { \par But this victory also poses a lot of challenges for the NCP. In a sense, this is the real beginning for the building of the party. While the party has a lot of potential support and the national chairman, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, is very popular among the d owntrodden working masses, a lot of political and organisational work still needs to be done. \par \par \par \par }{\b\fs32 Impeachment Saga: \par CHASE OUT ALL THE CAPITALIST ROGUES \par {\listtext\pard\plain\f3\fs32\lang2057\langfe1033\langnp2057 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \qj \fi-360\li720\ri0\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls1\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\b\fs32 For Immediate Elections On A Genuine Multi-Party Basis \par {\listtext\pard\plain\f3\fs32\lang2057\langfe1033\langnp2057 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}A Workers\rquote And Farmers\rquote Government Needed \par }\pard \qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 { \par The political situation in Nigeria in the past three months has been dominated by the move by National Assembly, particularly the House of Representatives, to impeach President Olusegun Obasanjo. \par \tab The House of Representatives on Tuesday, August 13th, 2002, at an emergency sitting in Abuja, adopted a resolution calling on the president to resign within two weeks or face impeachment for alleged constitutional breaches. The president was also accused of running the affairs of government like a dictatorship. As at t he moment, 32 allegations were listed against the president by the House of Representatives. \par \tab In reaction, President Obasanjo, his supporters and some other commentators described the impeachment move as uncalled for, ill-timed and capable of destroying the so-called nascent democracy in Nigeria. \par \tab To us in the DSM, President Obasanjo does not deserve to stay a day longer as Nigerian president as a result of the innumerable economic and political atrocities which his government has committed against the Nige rian working masses in the past three years. Equally, the members of the National Assembly have for the past three years been primarily preoccupied in fighting for their own selfish interests in the past three years rather than the well-being of the elect orate who elected them into office. \par \tab Therefore, rather than defending or backing either the president or the National Assembly, we in the DSM call on the Nigerian working masses to demand for the resignation of both President Obasanjo and members of the Na tional Assembly and the holding of immediate elections on a genuine multi-party basis. Instead of supporting one faction of the ruling class or the other, the labour and trade union movement must provide a lead and mobilise the working masses to chase out of office all these capitalist rogues in the corridors of power. \par \par OBASANJO PRESIDENCY \par \par The Obasanjo presidency has clamped down on the basic rights of people, and implement numerous pro-rich, anti-poor policies of privatisation, trade liberalisation, cur rency devaluation, increment in price of petroleum products, removal of subsidy on social services like education, health care, transportation, etc, leading to a chronic state of high unemployment, poverty, homelessness, starvation for the poor, toiling m a sses, etc. As a willing tool in the hands of forces of global imperialism and their local agents, he has implemented policies which have left the Nigerian poor, toiling people in a state of uncertainty, hopelessness, poverty, starvation, destitution and d espair. Only government contractors and others close to the corridors of power have benefitted from the so-called dividends of democracy. \par \par THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY \par \par But contrary to their claims, the impeachment move against Obasanjo by the lawmakers was not m otivated by any altruism, or the interests of the larger society. In fact, the present National Assembly has been as pro-rich and anti-poor as the Obasanjo presidency. It has also proved to be no less corrupt and inept. It is largely an assembly of capita list rogues and looters, who, just like Obasanjo and the executive, have preoccupied themselves with the act of money-making rather than law-making.\tab \par \tab It would be recalled that on its inauguration, the first assignment carried out by the National Assembly m embers was to award to themselves a 'paltry' sum of N5 million each as furniture allowance! Following public outcry, the allowance was (officially) reduced to N3.5m, only for it to be exposed later that the members actually collected the originally demand e d N5m and had only pretended to reduce the money to N3.5m in order to shield themselves from public outcry. This was at a time when all states were busy retrenching workers and labour leaders due to their claim of inability to pay N5,500 minimum wage! So, while governments of various states were claiming not to have money to pay to workers above N5,500 and while the Obasanjo federal government itself could not yield to the demand of the NLC for a N20,000 minimum wage, senators and House of Representatives members, the now true defenders of \'93peoples' democracy'' were busy lining their pockets fraudulently with millions of naira under one nomenclature or the other. \par \tab It would also be recalled that on 11th September 2002, while the controversy over the impeachme nt issue was still raging, the senate resolved to nullify the reports of both the Kuta and Oyofo panels which had found some leaders of the senate guilty of inflation of and non-execution of contracts running into millions of naira and pardoned all those found guilty in the spirit of 'reconciliation'! \par \tab The National Assembly and its leadership have never opposed privatisation of public assets, commercialisation of social services, oil industry deregulation and other anti-poor policies of Obasanjo regime. It also passed the undemocratic and unconstitutional 2001 electoral bill, which is designed to prevent the participation of popular, pro-working people political parties in the electoral process and exclude the masses from power. In essence, what we have is a National Assembly whose members are political contractors and whose major disagreement with the presidency is on the terms of trade. \par \tab In fact the major reason behind the impeachment bid is the struggle for supremacy between the various factions of the ca pitalist ruling class in general and the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in particular as the 2003 general and presidential elections draw nearer. It is instructive to note that many of the misconducts listed against Obasanjo, such as the massacre a t Odi in November 1999, took place two to three years ago, without any opposition or condemnation by the National Assembly. \par \par FOR INDEPENDENT WORKING CLASS ALTERNATIVE \par \par Based on the above analysis, DSM calls on the working masses and the labour movement not to support either the presidency or the National Assembly, the two sets of capitalist rogues, who are involved in the imbroglio. \par \tab Instead, the working people should demand for the resignation of both Obasanjo and the National Assembly. The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), National Conscience Party (NCP), trade unions and students' unions should organise mass struggles, strikes and protests to force them out of office should they refuse to quit. In this respe c t, we call on the leadership of the NLC, especially the NLC president, Adams Oshiomhole, to stop its present romance with the Obasanjo administration and, instead, champion an independent working class economic and political agenda for the labour movement . \par \tab As alternative, we call for earlier elections on a genuine multi-party basis with all political parties, including NCP, being allowed to field candidates. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) should be immediately re-composed to comprise representatives of all political parties. \par \par A SOCIALIST ALTERNATIVE NEEDED \par \par What the impeachment crisis has once again revealed is the rottenness and failure of the entire Nigeria's neo-colonial capitalist economic and political structures in general and the 4th republic in particular. \par \tab The Obasanjo regime, state and local governments and all the capitalist parties are creating conditions for another military intervention through the mass disenchantment and disillusionment caused by their acts of massive l ooting and plundering of the nation's resources, political violence, retrenchment of workers, non-payment of salaries and pensions, implementation of numerous pro-rich, anti-poor policies of privatisation, trade liberalisation, currency devaluation, incre ment in price of petroleum products, removal of subsidy on social services like education, health care, transportation, etc, with the concomitant high unemployment, mass poverty, and homelessness. \par \tab Hence, the present crisis once again underscores the need f or the labour movement to struggle to end the neo-colonial capitalist system and to put in power a workers' and poor peasants' government with a socialist programme. Such a government will put into pubic ownership the commanding heights of the country's e c onomy under the democratic control and management of the working people and use society's resources to provide for the basic needs of the society. This approach is the only way by which the working masses and society in general can get out of the present c apitalist rot and bring an end to corruption, money politics, political violence, mass poverty, insecurity and instability. Only this type of arrangement can bring an end to corruption and capitalist misrule by basing economy and governance on the real ne eds of the masses and the larger society rather than the selfish interest of a minority class of the super-rich as it is presently the case. \par \tab To actualise the above programme, labour and youth activists must consider, as a matter of immediate priority, the building of a mass independent working peoples' party which would be different in orientation, programme, policies and method from the pro-rich capitalist political parties. The NCP, NLC, NANS and other working peoples' organisations should organise a con ference at which the strategy and method for the emergence of such a party would be discussed. \par \par \par }{\b\fs32 DON\rquote T KILL AMINA LAWAL \par }\pard\plain \s3\qj \li0\ri0\keepn\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\outlinelevel2\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \b\fs32\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {Repeal All Undemocratic, Dehumanising And Anti-Poor Laws \par }\pard\plain \qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \fs24\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {\b\fs32 \par }{The Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM) joins several women, labour and youth a ctivists and organisations both in Nigeria and internationally in condemning in its entirety the judgement of the Upper Sharia Court in Funtua, Katsina State, which confirmed the death sentence, by stoning, earlier passed on a nursing mother, Mrs. Amina L awal, by a lower Islamic sharia court in the state, on the allegation that she committed adultery. \par \tab We equally condemn the death sentence, by stoning which an Upper Sharia Court in New Gawu, Niger State, passed on Ahmadu Ibrahim (male, 32) and Fatima Usman (female, 30) who were also found guilty of alleged adultery. \par \tab These cases are coming after the case of Safiyat Hussain, the nursing mother in Sokoto State who was equally condemned by stoning but who was later freed by a sharia court of appeal on 18th Marc h, 2002, as a result of local and international pressure. These death sentences are not only barbaric, dehumanising and antiquated, they amount to gross and monumental violation of the democratic rights of the victims. In particular, they represent viciou s attacks on the rights of women. We therefore unequivocally call for their immediate reversal. \par \par THE RIGHT OF RELIGIOUS BELIEVERS \par \par The DSM supports and defends the rights of religious believers, both Muslims and non-Muslims, to practise their religions. We fight against discrimination on the basis of religion, gender, ethnic origin or race. In this sense, the right of Muslims to practise those aspects of sharia which pertain to worship, mode of dressing, naming of children and other personal matters must b e respected. \par \tab At the same time, socialists, labour and youth activists, and working people\rquote s organisations like the trade unions, Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and National Conscience Party (NCP) have a responsibility to uphold people\rquote s democratic rights to life and human dignity, and to oppose violations of these rights and any policy and action which dehumanises and demeans ordinary working people. \par \par STATE AND RELIGION \par \par In particular, we demand that religion should be a personal affair and should be separat ed from the state. This is even more imperative in a multi-religious society like Nigeria. The failure to adhere to this principle by successive capitalist governments in Nigeria, both military and civilian, is one of the main reasons for the rising wave o f ethnic and religious conflicts in the country, particularly since the beginning of the introduction of sharia law by some states in the northern part of the country from year 2000. In all, about 10,000 lives have been reportedly lost to ethnic and relig ious violence since military rule ended in May, 1999. \par \tab All post-independent constitutions of Nigeria, including the current 1999 Constitution (chapter 2, section10) forbid the adoption of any religion as state religion by any level of government. In realit y, all sections of the ruling capitalist elite, both christians and muslims, have never adhered to this principle because of their selfish personal and political calculations. Every year, governments at all levels spend billions of naira to promote religi o us causes, including sponsoring pilgrims to Jerusalem and Mecca and building or sponsoring of the building of mosques and churches. About two years ago, President Obasanjo commissioned a church inside Aso Rock, the seat of government. In a sharia state li ke Zamfara State, the state radio station refused paid adverts from churches and christians are forbidden from taking alcohol and to interact freely with women in public. All these actions create room for suspicion and allegation of state\rquote s bias for a particular religion, thus fuelling religious and ethnic conflicts. \par \par SHARIA CRIMINAL CODE \par \par The bourgeois politicians who introduced the sharia penal code with severe punishments such as stoning and amputation for crimes like stealing, prostitution or so-called a dultery argue that these type of harsh law and punishments are necessary to curb the increasing wave of crimes in the society. Even, some sections of the working masses both within and outside the sharia states, perturbed by the violent crimes and social decadence which pervade society, genuinely support the penal code in the belief that it is the solution to these problems. The penal code is also informed by the false idea that the harsher the punishment the lesser the crime rate. \par \tab But all these views are erroneous. Crimes, violence, prostitution and other social vices are products of worsening mass poverty and unemployment, which are engendered by the Nigeria\rquote s crisis-ridden neo-colonial capitalist economy. Only the abolition of the causes of endemic pove rty, the provision of decent living, full employment with a living wage, free and qualitative education and medicare and adequate housing for all can lead to the eradication of crimes. \par \tab This explains why the DSM always campaigns against and calls on the la bour movement and the NLC to organise mass struggles against privatisation of public assets, commercialisation of social services, retrenchment of workers, non-payment of wages and pensions and other anti-poor neo-liberal capitalist policies which fuel ma s s unemployment, hunger, homelessness, destitution and general mass poverty. Above all, we call on the working class to organise to overthrow capitalism, the principal root cause of endemic mass poverty, misery and ignorance, and to transform society along democratic, socialist lines through the coming to power of a workers\rquote and poor farmers\rquote government. It is only this type of arrangement that can guarantee decent living for all and eradicate crimes. \par \tab On the contrary the floggings, amputations, stoning and other harsh sentences being used in the sharia states will on the long run fail to reduce or eliminate crimes. Since the early 70s, armed robbery has been punished by execution in Nigeria. But this has failed to reduce armed robbery. On the contrary, viol ent robberies have continued to escalate due to worsening economic crisis and huge youth unemployment. \par \par A POLITICAL DIVERSION \par \par In reality, the introduction of sharia by the capitalist politicians in some of the northern states was a deliberate strategy to seek cheap popularity by using religion to divert the masses\rquote attention away from their failure to provide the basic necessities of life, jobs and social security for the populace. In the same manner, the capitalist elite in the southern part of the country are hypocritically pretending to be championing the interests of their people, through agitation for resource control. \par \par AN ANTI-POOR LAW \par \par Most importantly, the DSM opposes the sharia penal code as presently enacted and practised in these states because it discriminates against the poor working people in general and poor, marginalized women in particular. Since the introduction of the code, several poverty-stricken peasant farmers and traders have had their limbs amputated and incapacitated for life for al l egedly stealing items like cattle, goats or hen. Many ordinary workers and traders have been flogged and humiliated in public for consumption or sale of alcoholic drinks. All those who have been sentenced under the code have been poor working masses, wome n and men. These include Mallam Jangbedi, the peasant whose arm was amputated in Zamfara State allegedly for stealing a cow, Safiyat, Amina and Ahmadu, to mention just a few of the poor victims. \par \tab In contrast, the capitalist politicians and top civil servant s who enacted this degrading and inhuman penal code continue to get away with brazen acts of fraud and the looting of several millions of naira from public treasury. In the same Zamfara State, a top official of the state hosuse of assembly was indicted fo r stealing an official car and selling it for N2.1 million. Though he was found guilty by a sharia court, his hand was not amputated. A member of the assembly explained to journalists that the reason for this was that the official\rquote s offence was not stealing but betrayal of public trust! In addition, these rich elements have relationships outside marriage without having to suffer the indignity of being dragged to court or sentenced to death by stoning. Surely, if anybody truly deserves to be sentenced to dea th, it is these corrupt and rich elite who embezzled public funds which ought to have been used to provide jobs, education, food and healthcare for the populace. \par }\pard\plain \s15\qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \fs24\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {\tab In addition, we oppose some of these sentences because they attack individual freedom, partic ularly the right of women to marry partners of their choice. In the case of Fatima Usman, for example, she was dragged to court because she refused to marry the man that her father wanted to force on her and instead entered into a relationship with Ahmadu Ibrahim. We believe that women, like men, should have the right to enter into free and voluntary marital and sexual relationships. \par }\pard\plain \qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \fs24\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 { \par \par }{\b\fs32 MISS WORLD: \par }\pard\plain \s3\qj \li0\ri0\keepn\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\outlinelevel2\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \b\fs32\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {Debasing Women For Profit Sake \par }\pard\plain \qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \fs24\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 { \par On 7th December, Nigeria will host the Miss World \'93beauty\'94 pageant in Abuja, th e federal capital. Private interests as well as the government are investing millions of dollars in this programme. Among the leading personalities behind it is the wife of the president herself, Chief (Mrs) Stella Obasanjo. \par \tab Socialists are opposed to this programme. This is essentially because modern day beauty contests are one of the means by which women's oppression is perpetuated. The concept of beauty pageants view women not as complex persons, but primarily as sexual objects which exist only in relat ion to the male desire. No doubt it has been associated with rise in cases of sexual harassment. \par \tab Organisers of the contest are desperately trying to make the contest appear as modern and not sexist by stating that some of the contestants are studying for d egrees, and that some have professional jobs, etc. This may be true but it is a token gesture to try and claim that it is not just looks that determine the winner. The question to ask is why are all the contestants of a certain height, no more than size 1 0 and generally look the same? \par \tab The reason for this is that these contests are increasingly linked to the need of the multinational corporations to sell their products and boost their profits through the use of women for advertisement. A certain \'93acceptable\'94 \par image of women is therefore being promoted. Models are getting thinner as the pressure is on from these industries for women to look a certain way. While women are made to debase themselves, the multinational companies and show promoters like Silverbird and Ben-Bruce rake in millions of dollars and smile to the bank. \par \tab There was an advert in the Nigerian dailies in July last year promoting the sale of a brand of car. A car and a lady was used in the advertisement. The caption of the advert is: \'93 \par if you want it open she will take off her dress; covered, she will put on her dress\'94. Also the fast food chain, Tantalizer advertisement says: \'93Have you tantalised her lately\'94 . This contest and all these adverts promote the idea that there is some \'93ideal\'94 \par body image which women must aspire to, and that they are to behave in a submissive manner. In particular, this gives young men a completely false and dangerous idea of how women should look and behave. \par \tab The resources which will be wasted on this jamboree would have been more productively utilised by investing in education, skill acquisition, provision of jobs with decent pay, childcare facilities, healthcare, and other social services in dire need of resources. This would have contributed in reducing the rate of il literacy, unemployment, prostitution and crimes among women. \par \tab But this cannot be possible under capitalism, a system which puts selfish, private greed above public interest. This is why the working people as a whole, and working class women in particular, must see the need for real change, the overthrow capitalism and introduction of a democratic socialist arrangement. Through this, the process towards ending the oppression of women can be started. \par \tab Meanwhile, the Miss World show is being threatened by boy cott by many of the expected participants. The planned boycott is to protest against the death sentence on Aminat Lawal by the Sharia court in Katsina state for allegedly committing adultery. Among the contestants who are planning to boycott the event are those from Denmark, Kenya, South Africa, Switzerland, Australia, Spain, France, Belgium and Costa Rica. Miss France was quoted as saying- ' when a woman faces the most agonising death, there are more important things in life than winning a crown for being beautiful'. \par \par \par }\pard\plain \s3\qj \li0\ri0\keepn\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\outlinelevel2\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \b\fs32\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {Ivory Coast Slides Into Civil War \par }\pard\plain \qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \fs24\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 { \par Ivory Coast, the world largest producer of cocoa, has been plunged into a civil war. This followed a mutiny by soldiers opposed to the government of president Laurent Gbagbo. As at present , the 'rebels' ar e controlling the northern and central parts of the country. \par \tab Since the beginning of the crisis, many lives have been lost including that of former military president, Robert Guei. Thousands of people, particular foreign plantation workers, have been turn ed into refugees. It was widely reported that Guei was killed by troops loyal to the President Laurent Gbagbo for his alleged leadership role in the crisis. \par \tab For almost three decades after independence from France, Ivory Coast used to be viewed as a model of stability in the West African sub-region which is renown for military coups, civil wars and general political instability. But that was until 1999 when late Robert Guei overthrew Henri Bedie, the successor to Hoeuphet Boigny, the country's founding pr esident, in a military coup. Before then, Boigny ruled the country for almost 33 years, that is 960 to 1993 when he died. \par \tab The present crisis could, however, be traced to the year 2000 presidential elections. The popular candidate then, Allasane Quattara, a former prime minister and a muslim from the northern part of the country, was barred from contesting by the then military president, late Robert Guei, based on the allegation that he was from Burkina Faso. His disqualification was not unconnected with t h e fact that late Robert Guei wanted to succeed himself by contesting the election. Since that time, the crisis in the country has increasingly assumed ethnic and religious dimension. However, the incumbent president, Laurent Gbagbo, a christian from the s outhern part of the country, defeated Guei. An attempt by latter to declare himself the winner led to a mass uprising and the military dictator was forced to flee. \par \tab The crisis is similar to the June 12 crisis in Nigeria when the Babangida military junta an nulled the presidential elections won by M.K.O. Abiola, a member of the capitalist ruling elite from the Yoruba south-west. The incident plunged Nigeria into political crisis and led to rise in ethnic conflicts. The break out of civil war along ethnic and religious line in Ivory Coast should serve as a warning to the Nigerian working people. It shows how the country can be plunged into interminable and fratricidal conflict when a so-called civilian capitalist government fails to solve the socio-economic cr ises facing society. \par \tab France and Nigeria have sent troops to the troubled country allegedly to protect their citizens and 'democracy'. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also vowed not to allow the 'rebels' to truncate civil rule and has resolved to send a military force to Ivory Coast to maintain \'93peace\'94 and prevent the government of Laurent Gbagbo from being overthrown by the rebel soldiers. \par \tab Socialists oppose the sending troops to Ivory Coast by ECOWAS and the imperialist powers li ke France and US under the pretence of 'protecting' civil rule. It is only the working people of Ivory Coast themselves that can protect civil rule and solve the crisis facing the country. Imperialism and the Ivorien ruling class are only fighting to prot ect their own selfish economic and strategic interests in the country and the sub-region. \par \tab The labour movement in Ivory Coast should work to ensure that the working people, youth, students, etc, are not divided along ethnic and religious line or to support any of the warring factions of the ruling class. Instead, the working people should organise themselves and fight for economic and political demands that can unite the working masses. Above all, they need to struggle for the formation of an independent wo rking people's party that will serve as a tool for fighting against capitalist attacks on the masses, for workers' unity and the transformation of society along socialist line through a workers' and poor peasants' government. \par \par \par }\pard\plain \s3\qj \li0\ri0\keepn\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\outlinelevel2\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \b\fs32\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {IKORODU FACTORY FIRE \par }\pard\plain \s4\ql \li0\ri0\keepn\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\outlinelevel3\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \b\fs32\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {Putting Profit Before Lives \par }\pard\plain \qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \fs24\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 { \par On September 15, 2002 at 1.30a.m, fire struck in West African Rubber Products (WARP), Ikorodu, killing scores of workers on night duty. Days after the gory fire disaster, the scene of the horror was littered with half burnt bones and d ecomposed human bodies. \par \tab According to an eye witness account, fire broke out of the warehouse section of the company and roasted all workers on night duty except three workers who miraculously escaped in the preventable calamity to tell woes of what they encountered. Many workers could have escaped or rescued but there was no escape or exit route. All entrances leading to the factory were locked to prevent workers from stealing, according to the General Manager. The only expatriate supervisor on duty lock ed the only available exit and went home to rest promising to come back, but before he could return the damage had been done. \par \tab Though, the immediate cause of the inferno was not known, the deplorable workers' working conditions leave much to be desired. In fact, the policy of locking doors against the workers while on duty under the pretext of preventing stealing is nothing but turning the company into a prison yard where inmates cannot escape even in the face of death. The management of WARP attached no va l ue to human lives; minimum national laws and international conventions on occupational safety and health are not observed. There are no enough ventilation facilities, no escape routes in case of emergencies and no fire equipment in spite of the fact that fire outbreaks cannot be ruled out in such a company that uses and produces inflammable materials like bathroom slippers, rubber sandals, shoe soles, etc. \par \tab On morning duty, once workers resume at 7.00a.m, it is non-stop work until 7.00p.m when workers on th e night shift takes over, who will equally work under the same harsh conditions without observing a break period or allowed to even talk to the next person on the production line. Workers earn peanuts between N6,300 and N8,000 per month. They are either c asual or on contract. There are many workers who have put in two to three years as casuals and any agitation for confirmation leads to termination of employment. \par \tab After the incident, nothing concrete was done by the company's management to pull down the bur nt structure in order to bring out bodies trapped in the collapse building. While the General Manager claimed only 10 lives were lost, the workers' union chairman claimed that over 100 workers perished in the fire. There was no record of workers on duty, therefore, getting the correct number of workers who lost their lives could prove difficult. But 35 bodies have been recovered as at the time of filing this report. \par \par ATTITUDE OF MULTI-NATIONAL COMPANIES \par \par WARP is a typical example of many multinational compa nies operating in Nigeria with evidence of flagrant violation of labour laws and workers' rights, negligence and apparent lack of concern for workers' general safety. In fact, this is just one out of thousands of companies, both foreign and locally owned, operating slave labour and poverty wage. Unfortunately, their nefarious activities are aided and perpetuated by Federal Ministry of Labour and Productivity whose responsibility is to make sure companies comply with the laid down regulations on safety and workers' welfare. According to an eye witness, workers, neighbours and villagers who attempted to jump into the premises of the company on rescue mission were reportedly shot by the company's expatriates from their nearby residence. \par \tab We demand that the loca l union and the NLC should set up an independent enquiry to investigate the incident with a view to bring those found guilty to face the law and to serve as deterrent to other exploiters of labour in the country. Adequate compensation should be paid to th e families and depedants of the killed workers. the victims A national campaign ought to be organised by the labour movement to tackle inhuman, slave labour conditions in the country. \par \par \par \par }\pard\plain \s3\qj \li0\ri0\keepn\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\outlinelevel2\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \b\fs32\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {REINSTATE AKELE AND OTHERS NOW \par }\pard\plain \qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \fs24\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 { \par The Campaign for Independent Unionism (CIU) has renewed its call for the reinstatement of the Lagos State civil servants and trade unionists sacked by the state government. \par Between February and April 2001, thousands of civil servants including several trade unionists in the employment of the state government were arbitrarily sacked \par in a massive retrenchment exercise. \par The retrenchment exercise was part of the policy of cuts in government spendings on social services, on education, health, jobs and housing, etc, which has been pursued by v arious governments in Nigeria since the early 1980s to the detriment of the living standards and working conditions of workers and the poor strata in the society. \par The retrenchment exercise was also used to unjustly get rid of scores of trade union activist s from the state public service particularly those who played leading role in the struggle for the implementation of N7,500 minimum wage, which culminated into a 22 day strike by the entire state civil servants between June and July, 2000. \par On top of the l ist of trade unionists sacked and victimised is Ayodele Akele, the leader of the strike and chairman of the Council of Industrial Unions (COIU), the umbrella body of trade unions in the state public service. Others include 5 members of the union branch ex ecutive at Lagos State Electricity Board, 2 branch executives at Lagos State Development and Property Corporation, the state auditor of Amalgamated Union (AUPCTRE), among others. \par The present Lagos State Government is notorious for its anti-working class pol icies. Since it came to power in May, 1999, it has reduced the state public service workforce by almost 50%. In its first massive retrenchment exercise, carried out in August, 1999, almost 10,000 workers lost their jobs. On 5th July, 2000, a worker, Adigu n Popoola, who was a driver in the state Ministry of Works, was killed when armed policemen sent by the state government shot at a peaceful procession of the state civil servants at Alausa, Ikeja, during the strike for the N7,500 minimum wage. \par \par NON-PAYMENT OF ENTITLEMENTS \par \par To show the heartlessness and callousness of the Tinubu government, it has not paid those retrenched civil servants who had accepted their retirement or termination of the service with the state government. . Rather than paying the right ful dues of these workers, the government has been ejecting those living official quarters among them. In furtherance of these assaults on these retrenched workers, during the last May Day rally on 1st May, 2002, at Onikan Stadium in Lagos, pro-government thugs attacked the workers who had come to protest peacefully for the payment of their entitlements. A fifty-five year old retiree, Mrs. Desalu, was severely brutalised by these government thugs as a result of which she was hospitalised for weeks. \par The CIU calls on trade unionists, workers, students, youth, human rights and community organisations world-wide to put pressure on the Lagos State Government to recall all the unjustly retrenched workers, stop the victimisation of trade union activists and pay al l the gratuities and pensions of retirees and pensioners. \par \par \par }\pard\plain \s16\qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \b\fs32\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {Okada Operators Demand End To Oppression By Tinubu Govt. \par }\pard\plain \qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \fs24\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 { \par Governor Tinubu of Lagos State is at it again with his usual anti-poor, pro-rich policy. This time, he is carrying out an attack on the commercial motorcycle operators popularly called Okada riders by introducing a notorious and repressive edict. \par \tab The edict contains stringent and expensive conditionalities to be met before an Okada could be allowed to be used for commercial purpose in the state. The following are materials/document to be purchased by Okada operators:- \par \par (1)\tab Procurement of road worthiness renewable yearly N1,200 \par (2)\tab Procurement of driving licence (rider's licence) for Okada riders N3,000 \par (3)\tab Provision of 2 crash helmet N1,500 each \par (4)\tab Provision of reflective jacket N1,000 \par (5)\tab Procurement of hackney permit N300 \par (6)\tab Personal identification cards. \par \par Tinubu and his supporters claim that the edict is to reduce accidents involving okada riders. But in outlook and design, there is m uch to the edict than the position presented to the public by the state government. What has hackney permit, identification cards and rider\rquote s licence got to do with safety of Okada passengers as claimed by Tinubu administration? Road-worthiness can only be meaningful if there are good roads, which are non-existent. In reality, the main purpose for this anti-poor policy is to raise money into the pockets of Tinubu government by exploiting Okada riders. \par \tab In fact, since the enforcement of the edict on August 1 , 2002, there have been incessant and arbitrary arrests of Okada riders by the police in connivance with Lagos State government agents. Many motorcycles are being detained at Lagos state secretariat, Alausa and various police stations in the state while N 200 is being charged daily as demurrage until the materials/document are procured. The edict has imposed enormous hardship on the okada riders, many of whom are just managing to survive. \par \tab In short, since the advent of Tinubu administration in the state in 1 999, the poor masses have been faced with series of attack and anti-poor policies. Between 1999 and 2001, more than 15,000 civil servants were unjustly retrenched while their entitlements have not been paid. In government hospitals, it is boldly written t h at treatment is free but in reality, treatment is not free. Drugs and other materials are purchased by patients before treatment is given. The much advertised Tinubu good roads is just a political slogan, the deplorable conditions of most roads show that this is a government by deception. \par \tab Another Tinubu's gimmick is the much popularised housing for all. Tinubu's housing scheme for the masses is a mere propaganda as no poor can afford the least of which is put at N1.2 million. Furthermore, under the pretex t of keeping Lagos clean, any breakdown vehicle along the road is made to pay a minimum fine of N4,500 by the traffic agency, LASTMA. Any argument or complain will attract a special fine, while N500 is charged daily as demurrage. \par \par Okada riders are demanding: \par \par * Immediate abrogation of the edict \par * All motorcycles detained under the edict to be released \par * All demurrage and fines collected must be refunded \par * Adequate compensation for all motorcyclists detained or punished under the edict \par * Rehabilitation of all deplorable roads in the state. \par \par \par \par }\pard\plain \s3\qj \li0\ri0\keepn\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\outlinelevel2\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \b\fs32\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {US: \'93Living Conditions In Decline\'94 \par }\pard\plain \qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \fs24\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {\b\fs28 \par }\pard\plain \s17\qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \b\fs36\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {\fs28 The General Secretary of Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM), Segun Sango, recently visited the United States. During the tour, he met several labour, youth and anti-globalisation activists and spoke on the situation in Nigeria and the African continent in general. In this interview with Demola Yaya, he narrated his experience during the tour. \par \par }{\b0\fs24 Socialist Democracy (SD): The United States is the world's dominant economy and now the sole super-power. What are the effects of these on the conditions of the American working class? \par \par Sango: On the average, the quality of life of the US working class is generally higher than those of the working class of even Europe and most especially, the third world countries. This can be glimpsed from the type of housing, education, healthcare and general access to socio-services such as telephone and internet. For instance, almost every comrade I visited at home has a computer with full internet service s. This, of course, is just an aspect of the condition of the US working class. \par \par Beneath this seeming easy life lies a ruthless exploitation of most US workers. Compared with their forebears, the current generation of US working class suffers worse working condition. Most workers and youths spend their virtual lives barely struggling to be able to maintain their basic living standard. A typical feature of capitalism is most brazenly manifested in the US in an obscene manner. For example, 0.2% of household c ontrols 40% of household wealth while 40% of household controls 0.2% of wealth. In a society where wealth is more equitably distributed, it should be possible to increase the present living standard of the American working class ten times while at the sam e time reduce the needless agonies and stress they have to go through under the prevailing unjust capitalist order. \par \par SD: The 11th September, 2001 terrorist attacks in the US was an important turning point in the global political situation. The Bush administration and other world capitalist rulers have since launched a \'93war on terror\'94 \par in response to that event. A year after 11th September, what is the mood and attitude of various layers of US society to this issue, particularly with the determination of the Bush regime to wage war against Iraq? \par \par Sango: The 9/11 terrorist attack on the World Trade Centre in New York and the Pentagon in Washington was a major turning point in global politics. In one respect, the terrorist attack shows vividly how a good cause can be ruined by a wrong methodology. By attacking the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon, the organisers of the 9/11 calculated that they were striking at the heart of US imperialism. In reality, the overwhelming majority of the casualty of the attack w ere working class elements. On top of this, the US and capitalist leaders internationally have also capitalised on this counter- productive attack to further tightening the noose of political oppression against the world working class movement. \par \par Capitalisin g on the revulsion of the working class people internationally, the Bush administration together with its counterparts internationally had in the wake of 9/11 attack, initiated or promulgated a wide range of legislation, all which variously seek to furthe r derogate from the democratic rights of the working people. It was against this background that the Bush administration, with its imperialist allies, launched the war against Afghanistan. \par \par The then prevailing atmosphere also contributed to discourage comba tive working class actions in defence of class interest. However, all these are beginning to change now. The clearest manifestation of this can be seen from the growing anti-war movement building up against the US planned war on Iraq. There have also been crucial industrial disputes and actions involving teachers, long shore men, firemen, etc in US. There is a growing awareness among the working class elements that waging a war on Iraq will only deepen the danger of terrorism, and far from eradicating it. Significant layers of anti-war elements are also demanding that the huge amount usually spent on instruments of mass destruction be invested in socially beneficial ventures. \par \par SD: While you were in the US, an important labour dispute involving port workers on the western coast of the US took place and President Bush in fact had to invoke an anti-working class labour law, the Taft -Harley Act, to force the workers back to work. What is the situation in the US labour movement? \par \par Sango: The situation within th e US generally mirrors what is happening in labour movement internationally. It is a situation where virtually most labour leaders hold the believe that there is no alternative to the capitalist system. Most of the time, their efforts are always directed a t proposals which only tend to resolve the problem of capitalism at the expense of the working class interest. Because of this, the consciousness of average working class elements lags behind their objective conditions even when compared with their Europe an counterparts. Nonetheless, there are indications that more and more workers will be compelled to take actions in defence of their interest in the coming period with or without the enthusiastic backing of their official leaders. \par \par That President Bush was forced to invoke an anti-workers act to enforce a temporary truce between the workers and the employers of the port sector is an indication of the restive mood and the fear of workers\rquote potential power by the American ruling class. \par \par SD: You also visited some university and college campuses. How is the student movement in the country? \par \par Sango: As an organised political movement, the students' movement in tertiary institutions does not exist in the US. Most students' unions or organisations that I encountered were largely creations of the school authorities. This state of affair to me partially reflects the relative privileges of the students in the past period. Things are beginning to change now. A greater number of students now have to take up employment in order to sustain themselves in school. More and more students are beginning to grumble about the growing nature of school fees with a lot graduating with huge debts. \par \par In a few of the universities that I visited, comrades of our sister organisation, the So cialist Alternative (US section of CWI) were beginning to build campaign for 'Tuition Free Education'. The more this kind of struggle goes, the higher the chances of having independent and politically active student movements developing in US schools. \par \par SD: What level of awareness and interest about events and issues in Africa did you observe during the visit? \par \par Sango: There were lots of keen interest shown by workers and students about happenings in Africa and events in the world but as usual, very little meaningful report can be found in bourgeois or capitalist press. For this reason, awareness of the comprehensive situation in Africa and the rest of the world is usually low. \par \par SD: What are the role of socialist activists in the US and the challenges they face having to work in the world's most dominant capitalist nation? \par \par Sango: As I indicated earlier, the living condition of the working class element in the US is not as desperate as those of their counterparts in Africa and most of the Third World countr ies. Of course, within the framework of the available wealth within the US society, the conditions of the workers can be greatly improved than what entails at the moment. However, against the worldwide right wing shift in the post Stalinist era, most work e rs and youth are forced to accept their conditions under the false notion that there is no alternative to the inequities of capitalism. Operating in this kind of environment, the socialists in the US and the advanced capitalist countries in general are wa ging a very difficult battle at this stage. \par \par Here in Nigeria for instance, the evidence of utter failure of capitalism daily steers you in the face. In the US, a significant majority of the working class are able to afford certain degree of decent living s tandard which encourages, in the absence of a revolutionary alternative, a false notion that capitalism is not incurably bad. But as these relative conditions and living standard come under greater attacks and onslaughts of the capitalist sharks, anti-cap i talist consciousness will become a greater phenomenon and in the same ratio, the activities of socialist activists will become more rewarded. The various anti-global capitalist protests which started in Seattle in 1999, the growing opposition to the US im perialist proposed war on Iraq, etc. are pointers of the more objective favourable situation which could develop in the coming period. \par \par SD: Most of Nigerian youth will want to go to US by any means, what are the conditions of life for the immigrants in US? \par \par Sango: Contrary to the false impression that regards immigration to the US as automatic solution to problem of poverty, life for most immigrants to the US is to say the least, very difficult. Most of the time, most of these immigrants have to keep a mini mum of two highly exploitative but poorly paid jobs to make ends meet. A significant layer of them live in worse accommodation than they left behind in Nigeria. Of course, if any immigrant is able to save and bring back to Nigeria a sizeable amount, then, such immigrant can hope to live a semi-decent life in Nigeria. But, there are two problems always mitigating against this scenario. One, it is always difficult, if not totally impossible to acquire a sizeable fortune outside day to day expenditure and mai n tenance given the kind of jobs which most of these immigrants are forced to do. Secondly, the intractable nature of the economic crisis in Nigeria also means that little or no honest business can thrive. Thus, there exists very little chance that these i m migrants can be able to voluntarily come back to Nigeria and hope to work and live in peace. Meanwhile, they remain a largely alienated and unintegrated lot in the US. Except there is a social change in both Nigeria and the US, they will remain trapped in their forced exile. \par \par \par \par }{\fs32 No To Bush\rquote s War Against Iraq \par For Working Class Actions To Remove Saddam Dictatorship \par \par }{\b0\fs24 The Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM), the Nigerian affiliate of the Committee for a Workers\rquote International (CWI), calls on the Nigerian working people and youth to oppose the planned military action by the US and its allies aimed at overthrowing the Saddam Hussein regime in Iraq. \par \tab Of course as socialists, we are opposed to the dictatorial and repressive regime of Saddam Hussein and we call for its removal. But this is the duty of the working class in Iraq, with the support of the international workers\rquote movement, and not that of Bush and US imperialism. \par \tab And contrary to Bush\rquote s propaganda, this war will not bring any greater peace or security to th e world. Instead, it will exacerbate tension and conflicts in the Middle East and globally and inflict unprecedented terrible suffering on the Iraqi people. \par \par IRAQ \par \par In 1991, US and allied forces had waged a war against Iraq over its invasion of oil-rich Ku wait on one hand and its refusal to allow in UN weapon inspectors to inspect and assess its alleged programme of production of weapons of mass destruction. Subsequent bombings of Iraq together with US inspired UN sanctions have had a devastating consequen c e on its economy and people. About 6,000 Iraq children die monthly of starvation and illness as a result of lack of drugs caused by UN sanctions. Its GDP per head has dropped from US $3,000 to $715 while at least half of the adult males are unemployed and the middle class is almost wiped off. In essence, the victims of the war and sanctions have been Iraqi people, many of who live from hand to mouth. Despite all these, Saddam, with his repressive state machine, has kept a tight grip on power. \par \tab President Bush addressed the United Nations\rquote General Assembly 57th session on 12th September, 2002, to build a case for military action against Iraq. According to him, the UN must prevail on Saddam to allow in UN weapons inspectors into his country, otherwise military action by the US will become inevitable. Saddam, he said, is a threat to \lquote civilisation.\rquote \par \par US\rquote REAL REASON \par \par Just like in the 1991 Gulf War, the main reason for US\rquote planned military action is the protection of its oil and strategic interests in the Middle East. According to Bush administration, Saddam is \'93 developing weapons of mass destruction which is a strategic threat to its interests in the region, to US allies in the Arab world and to Israel\'94. The Middle East has two-thirds of world oil reserves which i s vital and indispensable to world capitalist economy. \par \tab It is worth explaining that it was US imperialism, in order to protect its strategic interest in the Gulf region, that actually created Saddam. It armed and backed him in his one-decade war against th e Islamic regime that came to power in Iran in 1979 and which the US perceived to be antagonistic to its interest. During that period, the US turned blind eyes to the massacres of ethnic minority Kurds and other heinous atrocities which the Saddam regime c ommitted. It felled out with him and he became a bad lad only when he threatened its oil interest in the Gulf by invading Kuwait in 1990. Thus, the goal of the military action by the present Bush (Junior) regime is to carry through the unfinished matter o f the 1991 Gulf War - to overthrow Saddam and replace him with a pliable, pro-western leadership. \par \tab In the same manner, Osama bin Laden, who is alleged by US imperialism of masterminding the 11th September, 2001 terrorist attack in the US was actually armed and financed by US imperialism to organise Islamic based guerrilla groups \endash the Mujahideens \endash to wage war against the then Soviet Union \endash backed regime in Afghanistan between 1979 and 1988. \par \tab The hypocrisy of US imperialism and Bush could be seen in the fa ct that all its allies in the Arab Middle East like Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, and even Egypt are dictatorial regimes where the democratic rights of workers and women to organise or express themselves are suppressed. Saudi Arabia and Kuwait are feudal m o narchies run by super-rich royal families and sheiks, and overwhelming majority of their populations have no voting right and little or no say in the management of the affairs of society. Yet the US ruling class sees nothing wrong with these tyrannical re gimes. In fact, US provides them economic or military support or both. \par \tab So, this is not a war for \lquote civilisation\rquote . Rather, the goal of Bush and his allies is to establish a pro-western, pro-imperialist regime in Baghdad which can safeguard the interests of US and imperialism in the region. \par \tab Also, US imperialism is trying to reassert its prestige which was dented by the 11th September attacks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagons. It is in this context that Bush\rquote s tirades against the so-called \lquote axis of evil\rquote \endash Iraq, Iran and North Korea \endash must be understood. \par \par CONSEQUENCES OF WAR \par \par The determination of Bush, Blair and company to extend the \lquote war on terror\rquote to Iraq is facing mounting opposition worldwide, including in Europe and the US. This is because of the unpredictable, very risky and horrible consequences which military actions would have not only on Iraq but also the Middle East and the entire world. \par \tab Firstly, any military action would further worsen the plight of the Iraqi masses whose lives are already devastated by wars and a decade of UN sanctions. Hunger and diseases will swell, leading to the death of possibly tens of thousands of innocent Iraqis. As usual, the major victims will be innocent working people, unarmed and defenceless children, women a nd men. \par \tab Secondly, unlike Afghanistan where the Talibans had a weak social base and were relatively politically and militarily feeble, a US-led military invasion of Iraq could meet formidable resistance. While it is true that both militarily and in terms of social situation, Iraq is weaker than what it was before 1991-92, should Saddam\rquote s Republican Guard and regular army divisions decide to defend the regime, then a protracted war would ensue. It is estimated that US and its allies will need to deploy betwee n 250,000 and 300,000 personnel to win an armed conflict and occupy Iraq with a minimum of 10,000 Iraqi civilians being killed in such a conflict. \par \tab Thirdly, while there is no exact estimation of chemical and biological weapons in the possession of Saddam, if he realises the seriousness of his regime being removed and his being killed, he could decide to use these weapons as a fight back with all the horrific consequences on Iraq, Middle East and the rest of humanity. \par \par CIVIL WAR \par \par The situation in Iraq is f urther compounded by the absence of any viable or credible opposition with some level of support in society that could be a stable replacement for an overthrown Saddam regime. The pro-western opposition Iraqi National Congress is renown for corruption and comprises of generals who had themselves in the past participated in Saddam\rquote s dastardly suppression of opposition to his regime. The likely implication of this is that the country would be plunged into a bloody civil war, with possible break-up, given the national questions of the minority Kurds and Shiites in northern and southern Iraq respectively. \par \tab Therefore, like in Afghanistan, military actions by Bush and imperialism would not resolve the problems facing Iraqi society and masses. \par \tab It is true that in Afghanistan, President Bush succeeded in dislodging the Talibans. But the aim of capturing bin Laden \'93dead or alive\'94 and smashing of al-Qa\rquote ida network are yet to be accomplished. Ethnic and tribal divisions, rule by local warlords and military conflicts sti ll persist. On 5th September, 2002, US-backed President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan narrowly escaped an attempt on his life when gunmen fired into his car in Kandahar. The Karzai regime, like the Taliban, practises sharia law claimed by the US ruling clas s to be a bit \lquote liberal\rquote than the latter\rquote s. As against the Talibans that used to display hanged people publicly for four days, Karzai regime hangs them for 15 minutes. Death sentence for adultery for both men and women is still in force while poverty and mis ery continue to be the lot of the Afghan masses. \par \par MIDDLE EAST \par \par Furthermore, a military action would further destabilise the Middle East already tension-soaked as a result of the endemic Israeli-Palestinian conflict. A US attack will be met with mass protes ts in the Middle East and in the muslim world where there are already mass disenchantment against the US support for the suppression of the aspirations and struggles of Palestinians for an independent state by the Israeli ruling class. Over a million Pale s tinian masses are compelled to live in refugee camps in the West Bank and Gaza Strip under virtual Israeli military occupation and economic blockade. The Palestinian and Arab masses are aware that the US is the strongest political and military ally of the Israeli ruling class, subsidising the Israeli state machine to the tune of billions of dollars annually. In the event of military action against Iraq, support for right-wing Islamic fundamentalist groups, suicide bombings and other terrorist acts will gro w among Arab and muslim youth worldwide. Like he did in 1990/91, Saddam could also attack Israel in order to get the support of Arab masses, and any retaliation by Israel could plunge the entire region into an open war. \par \tab It is against the above background t hat we in the DSM call on the working people and youth to oppose the declaration of war by the US government and its allies against Iraq. Even if Bush and company succeed in overthrowing the Saddam regime, this will not create stability or prosperity for the masses of the region or eradicate dictatorship and terrorism which are rooted in the unresolved national and social conflicts in the Middle East and elsewhere.\tab \par \tab Rather than backing Bush\rquote s warmongering, the working people the world over should give poli tical and material support and solidarity to the Iraqi masses in their struggle to throw off the yoke of Saddam Hussein. While this approach may not yield immediate result, it is the only one that can pave way for the genuine and lasting liberation of the Iraqi masses from Saddam and other potential local and foreign oppressors. \par \par SOCIALIST ALTERNATIVE \par \par Also, more than any thing, the looming war in Iraq and the Middle East with the possible use of murderous biological, chemical and even nuclear weapons once again reveals the inherent inability of global capitalist system to guarantee stability and peace in the world. The hundreds of billions of dollars annual defence budgets of the US and other world powers are not to ensure global security but to defend the greedy, profit interests of capitalism and imperialism internationally. \par \tab The 11th September terrorist attacks has even been used by the US ruling class to develop a new \'93nuclear doctrine\'94 of \'93pre-emptive tactical nuclear strike\'94 against potential \lquote terrorist states\rquote . This means that, unlike before, the US is now prepared to develop and use biological and nuclear weapons against so-called \'93rogue states\'94 like Iraq, Iran and North Korea, to deter them from using same against US or its allies. It should also be noted that despite arms agreement between US and Russia to reduce nuclear warheads from between 6,000 \endash 7,000 to between 1,700 - 2,200, both sides still possess an obscene nuclear arsenal capable of destroying humanity many times over. \par \tab Over a decade ag o, following the collapse of the planned but bureaucratically mismanaged economies of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the world capitalist leaders proclaimed the victory of their system. The then US president, George Bush (senior) proclaimed the dawn of a \'93New World Order\'94 in which the capitalist market, and the US as the sole superpower, will guarantee prosperity and peace for the world population. \par \tab But instead of the capitalist paradise promised by Bush and other capitalist leaders, the past one deca de has witnessed increased poverty, homelessness, diseases, destitution and environmental pollution among the working people across the world. This is as a result of attacks by multinational corporations on workers jobs and wages, deregulation, liberalisa t ion and the privatisation of public assets and commercialisation of social services by capitalist governments in the mad drive to increase the profit and wealth of the super rich minority at the expense of the overwhelming majority, the impoverished masse s. The end result is the creation of an unprecedented and widening gap between the rich and the poor in nearly all countries. \par \tab It is this gross inequality and injustice being perpetrated by capitalism and imperialism worldwide that has created fertile soil for the resurgence of nationalism, racism, terrorism, religious fundamentalism, dictatorship and political instability in many parts of the world. \par \tab Thus, rather than supporting the futile war being waged by the US and its capitalist allies against terroris m, what the working people should struggle for is the overthrow of the unjust and exploitative capitalist system which breeds dictatorship like Saddam\rquote s, terrorism, insecurity, and instability. In its place, the working masses would need to establish a dem ocratic socialist system in which the real needs and aspirations of the larger society and not wealth for a few will form the basis of production, the economy and government. \par \tab This means that in US, Nigeria and other countries, the working people should struggle to put in power socialist workers\rquote governments based on the public ownership of industry, banking, mining and other key sectors of the economy with the democratic control and management of the economy and society by the working people in order to a vert the bureaucratisation which led to the failure of the planned economies of the defunct Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. In the particular case of Middle East, the Israeli and Arab masses have to struggle for an end to Israeli and Arab capitalism and the creation of a socialist Israel alongside an independent socialist Palestine and for a socialist confederation of the Middle East as part of a world socialist federation. \par \tab Therefore, the most important task for labour and youth activists in the US, Niger ia and other countries at the present period is the building of independent political parties of the working people to defend the working masses from capitalist attacks and to lead the struggle for socialist transformation of society. \par \tab It is through this arrangement that world\rquote s resources which are being presently monopolised and pocketed by a rich minority can be made available to provide food, housing, education, health and other basic needs for all. This would provide a lasting basis for the eradication of the root causes of frustration, crimes, ethnic and religious conflicts, terrorism and wars. \par \par \par }{\fs32 BALI BOMBINGS: \par No To War And Terrorism, \par Fight For International Socialism \par \par }{\b0\i\fs24 On 12th October, a terrorist attack in a nightclub in Bali, Indonesia, led to the de ath of over 200, mostly young people. The incident took place about a month after the first anniversary of the 11th September, 2001 attack in the US. As the Committee for Workers International (CWI, the international socialist organisation to which DSM is affiliated) explains in this statement, the Bali bombing again shows the reactionary character of those behind these terrorist attacks as well as the hypocrisy and futility of the so-called \lquote \rquote war on terror\'94 being waged by Bush and the other world capitalist powers. \par \par }{\b0\fs24 \par The terrifying carnage which ripped through the Sari nightclub at Kuta beach in Bali, Indonesia, has shocked working people and youth internationally. Hundreds have been left maimed and injured as the death toll rose to nearly 200 (at the ti me of writing) during Saturday night and Sunday. Amongst the dead were young people from Britain, Canada, Germany, Indonesia and especially from Australia. \par \tab Bali is to Australian youth what the Spanish Costa del Sol is to some British workers and is access ible to them as a cheap holiday resort. The bombings took place during the beginning of the Australian summer period. Inevitably, therefore, the victims of these bombings were completely innocent young people largely from working class families who were s imply trying to have a good time and enjoy the summer holiday. \par The CWI and socialists condemn these bombings and the use of such terrorist methods. In the most brutal manner they illustrate how the barbarism, turmoil and conflict of modern capitalism encroa ch into the lives of people, even when they try to get some respite from the ravages of the capitalist world on a summer holiday. The consequences of the attacks on 11th of September had previously been seen as somewhat remote in Australia. These horrific bombing illustrate how the consequences of those events are now being felt in area of the world. \par \par OPPOSE 'TERRORIST' ATTACKS \par \par Socialists support the mass mobilisation of working people to fight against exploitation, capitalism and imperialism. Marxists hav e never supported the use of terrorism by small groups or individuals to fight against the ruling class or the capitalist system. Such methods have always been counter productive and acted against the interests of the working class. \par \tab In the past, for examp le in the struggle against the Czarist regime in Russia in the 19th and early years of the 20th century, some groups used the methods of individual terrorism shooting a general or other representative of the Czarist regime. Such methods did not advance t h e struggle of the workers and peasants against Czarism and landlordism or capitalism. They were used by the ruling class as an excuse,to introduce further state repression against the working class. They also hindered the development of a collective under standing that mass action was necessary to overthrow landlordism and capitalism. \par However, at least such actions were directed against specific targets associated with the repressive regime which existed at the time. \par \tab The bombings in Bali, and other incidents, are indiscriminate attacks whose main victims are working people. \par Two questions arise following the harrowing scenes which flashed onto the television screens around the world over the weekend: Who carried out the bombings and why? \par \tab The bombings were pr obably carried out by a right-wing Muslim fundamentalist group, possibly with links to the al-Qa'ida network. In the Muslim countries of the neo-colonial world such groups have been able to feed on the rising sentiment of anti-western and, in particular, anti-US sentiment. \par This has grown along with the massive increase in poverty in these countries, increased exploitation by the western imperialist powers, the conflict between Israel and Palestine and the threat of an attack on Iraq. \par \tab This has resulted in a growing perception that the 'Christian west' is attempting to take control of the Muslim world for its strategic and economic interests. In reality the 'Christian' capitalist class of the west have been prepared to collaborate with Muslim, Buddhist, Hind u, and Jewish allies, and others, who defend landlordism and capitalism and the strategic and economic interests of the ruling class. \par \tab Almost simultaneously as two bombs were detonated at Kuta, a third exploded at the US consulate in nearby Denpasar. \par Indone sia is the most populous Muslim country in the world. Right-wing fundamentalist groups such as Jamaah Islamiya (JI), which is reported to have links with al-Qa'ida, have built a certain influence because of the mass poverty, desperation and anti-western a nd anti-US imperialist sentiment which exists. \par \tab This is because of the failure of the Communist Party, PKI, historically. This was the most powerful 'Communist Party' outside of the former Soviet Union and China. Despite this mass influence of this party it failed to take power. As a consequence the working class and oppressed suffered brutal repression under the Suharto dictatorship which seized power in 1966. The failure to take power and subsequently to lead a sustained struggle in the underground opened the way for fundamentalist forces to intervene in the vacuum which has opened up. \par \tab A night-club, on an island with a Hindu majority, associated with western 'immorality, sex and alcohol', would be an 'acceptable target' for such groups as JI. Palestinian f undamentalist suicide bombers have also wrongly hit similar targets in Israel. \par \tab These attacks follow a series of recent incidents, including the shooting of a US soldier in Kuwait, the killing of 11 French submarine technicians in Karachi and the suicide bombing of the French oil tanker Limburg off the coast of Yemen. \par The attacks on French targets are in retaliation for the initial backing the French ruling class gave to Bush and his 'war on terrorism'. \par \tab The attacks in Bali are likely to have been directed at Australia because of the tough 'pro-Bush' line adopted by Australian Prime Minister John Howard. After signing up to the 'war on terrorism' within 24 hours of the September 11th attacks, Australian special forces have been operating with American troop s in Afghanistan. \par \tab These horrific bombings are an anticipation of further attacks in the future, particularly against 'targets' from countries whose ruling class is openly backing Bush. These are certain to increase if the Bush administration invades Iraq. British targets, because of Blair's role internationally, must be high on the list of likely targets. \par \par CAPITALIST TURMOIL \par \par These bombings indicate the turmoil that capitalism is unleashing internationally. As the commentator Robert Fisk pointed out: "Bali only emphasises what the past year should have taught us: that individual innocence no longer protects us, that we are living whether we know it or not in a terrifying new age." (The Independent, 14 October 2002). \par \tab The carnage of the bombings in Bali pos es the question of why such horrors are now taking place. They are a condemnation of capitalism and imperialism. The massive increase in poverty, the ever-widening gap between the rich and poor that has accelerated with globalisation have created the soci al conditions that give rise to such attacks. As the British daily 'The Independent' puts it: 'Unless there is more justice in the world, Bali will be repeated'. \par \tab However, what The Independent does not explain is that capitalism cannot eliminate injustice w hich is weaved into its fabric as a system. The developing international economic recession will result in greater poverty and attacks on the living standards of the mass of the population, in particular in neo-colonia countries such as Indonesia. \par \tab The lea ders of the capitalist world weep crocodile tears at the fate of the youth who were killed and maimed in Bali. However, they remain silent about the slaughter and human misery they and their system are responsible for. More than 10,000 tonnes of bombs hav e been dropped on Afghanistan since September 11th. This is more than half of what fell on London during the Blitz of the Second World War. US air raids in Afghanistan have killed between 3,100 and 3,600 people according to 'Global Exchange' and Professor Marc Herold of the University of New Hampshire! \par \tab The promised aid to pay for reconstruction has not materialised. The World Bank estimated that US$16 billion was needed to rebuild the Afghan economy over the next decade. So far of the US$5billion pledged in aid only US$45 million has arrived. Of the $US 1.8 billion due to be spent on reconstruction in the first twelve months following the fall of the Taliban, most has gone on financing the UN and other aid agency's bureaucracies. The average cost of maintai ning a foreign UN worker in Afghanistan for a year is $US250,000! \par \tab The Christian fundamentalist dominated Bush administration, in alliance with Jewish fundamentalists in the US and Israel and the British Christian fundamentalist, Tony Blair, may try and use the Bali bombings as further justification to invade Iraq. They have provided no evidence, despite Rumsfeld's claim to the contrary, that the Iraqi regime is linked to al-Qa'ida. A key element in the drive to launch an occupation of Iraq is oil and the n eed for US imperialism to secure new oil supplies and reserves, especially because of the unstable situation which exists in Saudia Arabia. \par \tab Should they go ahead with this invasion, it will unleash massive social and political turmoil in the Middle East. An ti-western, especially anti-US, sentiment would be enormously strengthened internationally. The recent attacks on US soldiers in Kuwait, one of the most pro-western of the Gulf States, is a warning of the explosive situation which will develop. The bombin gs in Bali may widen the division amongst the ruling class about launching an attack on Iraq. \par \par BUSH HARDLINERS \par \par The hardliners in the Bush administration are using the bombing to try and strengthen their campaign in favour of an attack on Iraq. The more far -sighted representatives of capitalism are increasingly doubtful that this strategy is in their best interests. As the British Financial Times commented in its editorial following the Bali bombings: "The threat of an attack on Iraq by the US and its allie s is likely to fuel the growing support for extremists in Pakistan and elsewhere in southern Asia...This raises difficult questions for President George W. Bush as he considers the next steps in the war against terrorism." \par \tab Moreover, in the US itself, and i nternationally, if the US ruling class goes to war against Iraq, it will do so with growing mass opposition to the war before it has even begun! Despite the bombing in Bali 35,000 marched in an anti-war rally in Melbourne Australia and observed one-minut e silence to remember those killed in the bombings. This, according to some reports, is the largest anti-war rally in Melbourne since the Vietnam war. There is growing opposition to the war amongst the US population. \par \tab Bush, Blair and Howard and, ultimately, their system will be blamed for the carnage that a war on Iraq and any further terrorist attacks that will inevitably arise from it. \par These events illustrate the need to build a mass socialist alternative to capitalism and imperialism amongst working peopl e internationally. It is only the building of socialism internationally that will eliminate the social conditions that spore 'terrorist' groups and allow them to operate. It is only by building a mass socialist alternative that it will be possible to unit e the working peoples of the world in a struggle to confront capitalism and imperialism. \par \par *No to Terrorism and War! \par *Fight Imperialist attempts to attack Iraq and unleash terror on the Iraqi and Palestinian People. \par * Fight for a Mass Socialist Alternative to Capitalism and Imperialism. \par \par }{\i\fs24 CWI analysis, 14 October,2002 \par \par }{\fs24 \par }{\fs32 OAU STUDENTS TO FIGHT FEE INCREMENT \par \par }{\b0\fs24 The authorities of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife have perfected plans to increase school fees come next session. The proposed charges are N4,500 for r eturning under-graduates and N 9,500 for fresh students. This is about 900% increment. The returning undergraduates paid N590, while fresh students N1,140 last session. The charges include accommodation and various charges for registration, including what the authorities call \'93admission acceptance fee\'94. \par \tab The students and the students' union have vowed to vehemently resist such unjustified, obnoxious, anti-poor, pro-rich increment. This is because several students will be forced to drop out of school as a r esult of their inability to pay these hiked fees, thereby making education the exclusive right of the privilege rich few. And this will invariably add to the problems of shortage of skilled labour, underdevelopment, crimes and destitution plaguing the cou ntry. \par \tab The university authorities say the increment has become inevitable due to under-funding of the university by the government. It is a true that the education sector, like most social sectors like health, housing, etc, is grossly under-funded. \par \tab This p roblem has become aggravated as a result of the neo-liberal capitalist policies of the ruling class e.g. privatisation, commercialisation, deregulation, cuts in social spendings and all other neo-liberal polices which had been implemented by successive ad m inistrations and has been continued by the present Obasanjo government. For instance, a meager 5.4% of this year's annual budget is allocated to the educational sector. This is even below the UNESCO recommendation that each government should allocate at l east 26% of her annual budget to education. The solution to this problem, however, is for students and the labour movement, to fight for increased and adequate funding. \par \tab Also, the problem is compounded by misplaced priorities and mismanagement of funds by s chool managements. For instance, the OAU authorities recently bought 4 Peugeot 406 saloon cars, which amounts to N17m from the meager resources of the university. Equally, sources available to us revealed that 14 Peugeot 505 cars have been ordered for the 14 deans of our 14 faculties at the rate of N4m each which totals to N56m. Whereas the university authorities claimed to have spent N19m last session to renovate the halls of residence with very little to show for it. Out of the N15m anti-cultism grant gi v en to all university in Nigeria just after the July 10 1999 incident on our campus, the only thing visible from such grant on our campus is the billboard placed in 3 locations on our campus. During the Ife-Modakeke fratricidal war, the government gave the university N100m for the building of a hostel; up till date, none has been built neither are we aware of what has become of the money. \par \tab We demand total reversal of the proposed hike in fees. To adequately fund education and other social services, the labo ur and youth movement must demand common ownership of the key sectors of the economy and the country's resources which are presently owned and monopolised by multi-national corporations and their local capitalist agents. We must also fight for democratic management of all educational institutions with elected representatives of all interest groups within the sector, including student and staff unions in all decision-making organs. This is the only solution to the crisis facing the education sector. \par \par \par \par }{\fs32 REINSTATE THE AKUNGBA 19 \par }{\b0\fs24 \par The spate of state attack on the educational sector and students has unfortunately continued unabated like during the military despotic era. \par \tab Among the latest cases is Adekunle Ajasin University (AAU), Akungba Akoko, an Ondo State Gove rnment owned university, where axe has been dangled on ten (10) students union executives and nine (9) other student activists for leading a peaceful protest against the appalling state of infrastructure on campus. Eighteen of the students were rusticated for two semesters and one diploma student expelled. \par \tab The students had embarked on a peaceful protest in April, 2002 to demand for improvement of infrastructures on campus through the provision of standard lecture rooms (as against the classrooms meant for over 7,000 students), a modern library (as against an eye sour room that cannot contain more than fifty students called library), adequate offices for lecturers (as against an embarrassing situation where 8-9 lecturers stay in one common room), toilet and recreational facilities (as against the present practise of students even lecturers going to the bush to ease themselves) and accommodation and telecommunication, amidst many other demands. \par \tab This protest led to the closure of the institution by Governor Adefarati for almost six months. Some of the demands are now being minimally and gradually met, but those who fought for these improved facilities have been made sacrificial lambs. \par \tab Also, the authorities have continued to attack students through impositions of N1,000 and N5,000 reparation fee on all the students and the rusticated one respectively, increment in school fees (arrears) which now leaves average students to be paying almost N16,000, dissolution of the students union, harassment and assault on stu dents by policemen and security men, and banning of religious and other students activities on campus. \par \tab The intervention of the NANS Zone D via meeting with the management has not fundamentally been fruitful due to the vindictive and recalcitrant posture of the management under the vice-chancellorship of Prof. Akere and that of the state government who have reduced the institution to their personal property. \par \tab We are calling on Nigerian students, workers, labour and students' unions to send protest letters to the vice-chancellor, AAU, Akungba Akoko and the Ondo State governor, calling for the immediate reinstatement of Ojuri Iranlowo (students' union president) and eighteen others and an end to all attacks on the students. \par \tab The NANS Zone D calls on you to join us at a rally at AAU, Akungba Akoko on November 11th, 2002 as we mark the 7th year remembrance of Kenule Beeson Saro-Wiwa and the other eight Ogonis who were brutally murdered by the late despot, Gen. Sani Abacha, on November 10th, 1995. \par \par \par \par }{\fs32 July 10 Cult Attack At OAU: \par A TRAVESTY OF JUSTICE \par }{\b0\fs24 \par The three members of the \'93killers squad\'94, Black Axe cult group, Efosa Idahosa, Kazeem Bello, Emeka Ogwuaju standing trial since 1999 over the gruesome murder of five students of Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU) Ile-Ife on July 10 1999 were discharged and acquitted on Tuesday 29th October, 2002 by Justice Rabiu Yusuff of the State High Court, Iwo, Osun State. The victims were George 'Yemi Iwilade (Afrika), the general secretary of the students' union, Tunde Oke (Sabo), a member of DSM, Efe Ekede, Eviano Ekelemu and Yemi Ajiteru. The presiding judge claimed to have based the ruling on the alleged inability of the prosecution to establish any case against the accused persons. \par \tab The students' union of OAU Ile-Ife in its reac tion to the judgement through a release signed by Akinwunmi Olawoyin and Fadugba 'Dayo, the president and PRO respectively, saw it as a flagrant perversion of justice. They dismissed the ground of the judgement as baseless and unacceptable. According to t hem: \'93 \par Our union was able to make available useful evidences supported with strength of logic and indisputable facts\'94. Thus, they strongly suspected foul play in the process. \'93 \par It would not be out of place to for us to conclude that there was an unholy alli ance among the judiciary, the prosecution and the accused more so in Nigeria where the judiciary, like every other arms of the government, is riddled with corrupt practices as evident in the recently released white paper on the reports of Kayode Eso and B olarinwa Babalakin's Panels. Therefore, the judgement is unacceptable to us as well as the people of good conscience\'94., the students\rquote union stated. \par \tab The ground of the judgement diametrically contradicts the report of Okoi Itam Judicial Panel of Enquiry set up to investigate the July 10 killings. The report whose government white paper is yet to be released almost after three years, strongly suspects the involvement of the three released gangsters in the massacre. The panel further recommends immediate arres t of those that are at large among the culprits. The police has made no effort to track down these cultists. \par \tab However, one should not be surprised by the obnoxious ruling given the fact that the ruling class, as a rule, cannot easily sacrifice any of its ow n to satisfy the oppressed. In this case on recalls the Okoi Itam Panel which cleared the former vice-chacellor, Wale Omole of any culpability in the carnage in spite of massive evidence and incontrovertible facts to the contrary. \par \tab As equally stated by t he union, this judgement is not unprecedented. In March 1999 an Ile-Ife Magistrate Court discharged and acquitted some members of the Black Axe cult group: Larry Obichei, IK Imordi, Kanmi Ogundipe, etc. Who were apprehended with arms and ammunition that i n cluded AK 47 riffle with 58 rounds of ammunition by Great Ife students led by late George Iwilade (Afrika), similarly for want of evidence! This was done with active connivance of the then disgraced despotic vice chancellor of the institution, Professor W a le Omole who had resorted to the use of the cult gangsters, as confessed by the latter, as the means of repression against the student activists who constantly oppose his anti-student regime and financial recklessness after other repressive measures faile d to achieve their objectives. These cultists, emboldened by the ruling of March and the patronage of Wale Omole, took part in the carnage of July 10,1 999. \par \tab The implication of this Tuesday 29th October, 2002 judgement could be as grievous as that of the p revious one mentioned above. The judgement would be a source of encouragement to the cult gangsters who would now swagger with stout confidence that they can commit any offence, no matter how heinous, with impunity. \par \tab \tab The failure of the government to bring to book the culprits of the July 10 massacre has exposed the insincerity of its much-touted crusade against the menace. The OAU students' union is demanding that the government should appeal against the judgement. It must not be forgotten however that th e top brass in the government and wealthy people are the parents, sponsors and patrons of the cultists on our campuses. Thus nobody should have illusion that this demand would be met readily by government. \par Thus, Nigerian students particularly the OAU students\rquote union and NANS, labour movement and human rights organisations etc, should mount serious pressure on the government appeal the judgement. It is a fact that July 10 was a watershed in the annals of the menace of campus gangsterism and resistance agains t it. It was the spirited fight-back by the students of OAU, Great Ife, and the solidarity from other students\rquote unions and workers, which prevented the ugly incident from being thrown into the trash bin of history as it used to be the case. To curb cultism on the campuses will continue to depend primarily on mass mobilisation of students and other members of the university community and the labour movement against these violent pro-authority gangsters. \par \par \par }{\fs32 U.I STUDENTS\rquote RIGHTS STILL ENDANGERED \par {\listtext\pard\plain\s17 \f3\fs32\lang2057\langfe1033\langnp2057 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \s17\qj \fi-360\li720\ri0\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx720\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\ls1\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\fs32 Student Activis ts victimised/persecuted \par {\listtext\pard\plain\s17 \f3\fs32\lang2057\langfe1033\langnp2057 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}Students\rquote unionism strangulated \par {\listtext\pard\plain\s17 \f3\fs32\lang2057\langfe1033\langnp2057 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}Education commercialised \par }\pard \s17\qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\fs32 \par }{\b0\fs24 At the University of Ibadan (UI), there is a renewed wave of attacks on students rights to education, independent students' unionism, freedom of thought and opinion, and agg ressive programme of victimisation and persecution of student activists leading students defence of these rights, by the university management under the leadership of the ultra-right, dictatorial vice-chancellor, Prof. Ayodele Falase. The most recent of t hese attacks on the student body being the commercialisation of the student hostels, with the introduction of a so-called 'hall maintenance fee', ranging from N3,500 to N20,000 (for undergraduates and post graduates); the continuous strangulation of the s t udents' union and its activities by the university management, and most significantly, the rustication of Lawal Ibrahim, 400L Law student and ex-speaker of the students' union on 14th May, 2002 and another student activist, Ali M. Ayodeji on 15th May, for a host of spurious and frivolous allegations ranging from what the authorities call acts of \'93gross misconduct\'94 to \'93participation in illegal student demonstration\'94 and/or \par \lquote \rquote holding, together with some other students, an illegal meeting at the students' union building\'94. \par \tab Apart from the two student activists who have been rusticated and expelled, a host of others including Alayande Stephen (incumbent co-ordinator of NANS Zone D) and Adeosun Ola, speaker of the embattled students' union have also been pencille d down for victimisation, having been invited to the quisling Student Disciplinary Committee (SDC). The president of the students' union, Lawal Akeem, was not allowed to register for the session just concluded (2001/2002) despite not having been found gui lty of any offence, except perhaps the bruising of the ego of the vice-chancellor. \par \par BACKGROUND \par \par The present spate of victimisation of student activists and perpetuation of other anti-student, anti-poor and dictatorial policies by the UI administration is tr aceable to a bold and courageous attempt made by the present generation of student activist at the UI to wrestle the students' union from the domination of the university authorities to entrench independent democratic students' unionism devoid of undue au t hority intervention and manipulation, and to utilise same platform to defend the student body against education commercialisation trend, victimisation of student activists, authority high-handedness, cultism and other anti-social acts, and other basic rig h ts of students. On 29th November, 2000, the students' union election for 2000/2001 session was conducted in accordance with the provisions of the new students' union constitution reviewed by the student representatives council and adopted by the student c ongress. \par \tab The decision by the students to go ahead with the elections on the basis of the new students' union constitution, which confers autonomy and independence on the students' union, ran contrary to the wishes and desire and in fact, bruised the ego of the new university administration of Prof. Ayodele Falase, who had desired a return to the ignoble days when the authorities dominated running of the affairs of the students' union including the conduct of students' union elections, a position the author ities usually employ to prevent radical students from partaking in students' union elections and to ensure that the students' union remains the alter ego of the university management. \par \par COURT CASE \par \par Having failed in all its attempt to prevent the students fr om independently organising the students' union elections of November 2000, the Prof. Falase led UI authorities launched a deliberate and aggressive programme of legal, political and administrative sanction against the students' union, then under the new l eadership of Lawal Akeem (president) and Wale Eleto (General secretary,), including a fabulous campaign of lies, deceits and calumny. Not able to subdue the new union leadership politically due to the mass support of the students, the university managemen t filed an application first at the Oyo State High Court seeking the court to declare the said union elections illegal and to perpetually restrain the officers from acting as duly elected officers of the students. \par \tab In desperation however, it could not even wait for the outcome of the court judgement before it issued a fiat suspension order on the entire leadership of the union and all other students who had contested or served in the union electoral commission. In all, a total of 43 students, including tho s e presently being persecuted, were suspended from their academic programmes. This decision was later reversed by the Oyo State High Court. After its failed attempt at the state high court, the university management finally secured a judgement of the feder a l High court, Ibadan, retraining the elected officers of the union from acting as such pending the outcome of a substantive suit seeking to perpetually declare the elections illegal. A judgement the students proceeded to appeal against at the Court of App eal in Ibadan. Ruling on the students' appeal has been fixed for December 4, 2002. \par \par RENEWED WAVE OF ATTACKS \par \par Despite the continuous attacks and persecution however, and regardless of the general state of reaction in terms of political consciousness among th e student body, occasioned by the prolonged battle, the leading student activists on the campus including Lawal Ibrahim, Alim Ayodeji, Alayande Stephen, Adeosun F.A., Lawal Akeem, etc have continued to organise and mobilise the student population around t he primary issues of independent unionism, freedom to hold and express different opinions on issues, opposition to education commercialisation, academic sadism, authority high-handedness, opposition to cultism and associated social menace, among others. \tab \par \tab W hen at the beginning of the 2001/2002 academic session just concluded, the authorities unfolded their anti-poor plan to commercialise the student hostels and increase some other fees payable on campus, a major reason for their long-drawn persecution of th e students' union, the student activists rallied the students around the \'93Joint Action Committee\'94 of the students' union to campaign against these policies of the UI authorities. Although no major gains were recorded in terms of outright cancellation or red uction in the fees being campaigned against, the efforts of the said student leaders, coming after such a prolonged battle with many victims already recorded no doubt helped to rebuild consciousness and confidence in the ability of the students to fight b ack against future attacks on their basic rights. This latest effrontery by the student activists is the cause of the renewed spate of victimisation/and persecution. \par \tab The students have however expressed their preparedness to wage legal and political campaign against these dictatorial recalcitrance of the Prof. Falase . \par \tab The DSM once again condemns all the aforementioned undemocratic, anti-student and uncivilised activities of the UI authorities. We express our unrelenting solidarity with the cause of the s tudent activists and the entire student body. Consequently, we call on the students to remain steadfast in the struggle to secure and protect the independence of their union; the reinstatement of the politically victimised activists and the struggle again s t the education commercialisation trend which the UI authorities is implementing in accordance with the dictates of the education commercialisation policy of the Obasanjo capitalist government. We join the students to demand the reinstatement of all activ i sts being victimised and a halt to the victimisation of others. The demand of the independence of the students' union devoid of undue authority interference. We also call for a halt to the planned hike in fees payable in the institution next session (2002 /2003) in continuation of the anti-poor education commercialisation trend. \par \tab Conclusively, we also call on other students' unions, NANS, trade unions, NLC, human rights and community groups, the staff unions in the UI campus to rally round the students in th eir ongoing struggle. Send letters of protest calling for independent unionism, reinstatement of politically victimised student activists and a halt to the victimisation of others, and an end to education commercialisation in UI to: \par \par (1) The Vice-Chancellor, \par University of Ibadan, \par UI Post Office, \par Ibadan, Oyo State, \par Nigeria. \par e-mail: registrar@ui.edu.ng \par \par (2) The Minister of Education, \par Federal Ministry of Education, \par FCT, Abuja, \par Nigeria. \par \par \par \par }{\fs32 UNILORIN: \par Relief As Oba Leaves, But\'85 \par \par }{\b0\fs24 The workers, lecturers and students of the University of Ilorin were full of relief when on 20th August, 2002, the inglorious tenure of Prof. Shuaib Oba-Ibraheem as the university's vice-chancellor came to an end. \par \tab One of the vice-chancellors who came into office during the dark days of Abacha military dictatorship, Prof. Oba ran a repressive, dictatorial and vindictive administration during the time he spent in office. Student and labour activists in particular were routinely victimised for daring to fight for decent conditions for stu dents and workers on the campus. \par \tab As at the time Oba was leaving office, leading student activists such as Tosin Akinrogunde was serving an expulsion sentence while Lanre Akinola and Rasheedat Adesina, who had completed their students, still have their exam ination results withheld. The peak of the repression however, was the sacking of 44 lecturers (including union leaders) last year for daring to take part in the nation-wide strike action organised by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) between April and June, 2001. \par \tab However, it will be na\'efve to assume that Oba's exit will automatically lead to the easing of repression on the campus and respect for the rights of workers and students by the authorities. In the final analysis, the atmosphere that w ill prevail in the aftermath of Oba's exit will be determined by the readiness of workers, lecturers and students and the various unions to stand up and defend their rights and living and academic conditions. The ASUU, NASU and the students' union should rise to redress the injustices perpetrated by the Oba regime. Among the issues we should work towards include: \par \par * Immediate recall of the 44 sacked lecturers \par * Immediate reinstatement of Tosin Akinrogunde and other expelled or rusticated student activists \par * Immediate release of the examination results of Lanre Akinola and Rasheedat Adesina \par * For freedom of association, assembly and expression on the campus. An end to repressive measures against students' societies. \par * Democratic management of the education system with elected representatives of lecturers, non-academic staff and students on all committees and decision-making bodies. \par \par \par \par }{\fs32 DSM: What We Stand For \par }{\b0\fs24 \par DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS \par \'b7\tab Immediate and unconditional reinstatement of the sacked Lagos State civil servants and other victimised workers and trade unionists. \par \'b7\tab Trial of those responsible for human rights abuses during military rule. Compensation for the victims. \par \'b7\tab Immediate repeal of all undemocratic and anti-labour laws. \par \'b7\tab Scrapping of the State Security Service (SSS) and all repressive state bodies. \par \'b7\tab Abolition of discrimination against women. Equal political, civil, property and social rights for women. Equal pay for work of equal value. Tax relief for women as for men. \par \'b7\tab Freedom of expression, association and assembly. Full freedom and independence for trade unions and student bodies without any interference from the state or the management. \par \'b7\tab Opposition to restriction on the press. \par \'b7\tab A genuine multi-party democracy with the right of every individual and group to organise political parties without registration by the government. The right to stand for elections as independent candidates. \par \'b7\tab An independent mass working people's political party with a socialist programme to provide an alternative to the existing capitalist parties. \par \'b7\tab Convocation of a democratically-elected Sovereign National Conference (SNC) comprising elected representatives of social groups such as workers, peasant farmers, traders, rank-and-file of the armed forces and police, prof essionals and ethnic nationalities according to their numerical strength to deliberate and decide on the way forward for the country and draw up a new constitution. \par \'b7\tab For a voluntary democratic socialist federation of Nigeria within which there will be full respect of the democratic, cultural and language rights of all ethnic nationalities. \par \par ARMED FORCES AND POLICE \par \'b7\tab Freedom for the rank-and-file of the armed forces and police to form trade unions and join political parties of their choice. \par \'b7\tab The right of the rank-and-file of the armed forces and police to take industrial action to protect their rights. \par \par LIVING AND WORKING CONDITIONS \par \'b7\tab Free education at all levels \par \'b7\tab Free medical care for all \par \'b7\tab Provision of decent and affordable public housing \par \'b7\tab Provision of welfare benefits for the unemployed, the sick and the elderly \par \'b7\tab A monthly minimum wage of N20,000 with periodic increases to match the rate of inflation. \par \'b7\tab Opposition to retrenchment. A job for every unemployed person. \par \par ECONOMY \par \'b7\tab Abolition of SAP. An end to anti-poor capitalist/imperialist policies of privatisation and commercialisation, retrenchment of workers etc. \par \'b7\tab Public ownership of the country's vast resources and wealth under the democratic management and control of the working people. \par \'b7\tab Democratic management and control of public companies and parastatals by committees comprising elected representatives of workers, consumers, trade unions, NLC and the government. \par \'b7\tab A massive public works programme to build roads, houses, railways, schools and hospitals and to generate employment. \par \'b7\tab Repudiation of the fictitious foreign debt combined with appeals for fraternal support to the working classes of the imperialist nations. \par \par ACCOUNTABILITY \par \'b7\tab Open declaration of assets by public officials with the right of the public to investigate and initiate prosecution of officials found to have illegally acquired assets in excess of their legal income. \par \'b7\tab Confiscation as public assets without compensation, of all wealth acquired through corruption by the military elite and their civilian counterparts. \par \'b7\tab Democratic management of all public departments, agencies and companies. Management committees to comprise elected representatives of workers and the government with right of immediate recall of the elected by the electors if found wanting. \par \'b7\tab Democratically elected public tribunals comprising elected representatives of workers, peasant farmers, students, professionals and the government to determine cases of corruption. \par \par A SOCIALIST SOCIETY \par \'b7\tab A workers' and poor peasants' government based on a socialist programme. \par \'b7\tab A socialist federation of Africa as a step towards a world socialist federation to put an end to hunger, poverty, war and environmental destruction. \par \par \par }{\fs32 NCP Ijaye Holds Party School \par \par }{\b0\fs24 The Ifako-Ijaiye Local Government chapter of the National Conscience Party (NCP) on Saturday 14th September, 2002 held an educational programme tagged \'93NCP School\'94 with the theme \'93 Upholding Ncp's Tenet And Ideology As A Political Culture\'94. The programme chaired by Sina Od ugbemi, the General Secretary of the Lagos NCP had Dr. Osagie Obayuwana and Mr. Adeola Soetan, the National Deputy Chairman (South-South) and Chairman Ogun State NCP respectively as the guest speakers while Mr. Lateef Abassi, a Washington DC based member and governorship aspirant of the party in Lagos State gave a keynote address. \par \tab With over sixty people comprising NCP activists, youth, women and community leadeers in attendance, the programme examined how the 10-Care welfare programme of the party for the abolition of poverty could be translated into concrete mass ideas for the transformation of the Nigerian society. \par \tab Dr. Obayuwana in his submission stressed the importance of building a formidable party that is bigger than any individual personality and can effectively enforce party discipline among all members. He made reference to the party's code of conduct for public office holders as a veritable instrument of ensuring the responsibility of elected public officials to the electorate. Mr. Adeola in his o wn contributions talked on the importance of ensuring the supremacy of the party over and above individual party members as the surest way of avoiding the degeneration that is characteristic of the establishment political parties in the country. \par \tab The pro gramme was a clear manifestation of how various structures of the party can help in popularizing the party by seizing the initiative not only in organizing educational programmes but in organising fora around issues in their localities and communities. T he efforts of the NCP Ifako-Ijaiye leadership should be commended and others should emulate such a laudable initiative. \par \par \par }{\fs32 DSM NATIONAL COMMITTEE \par \par }{\b0\fs24 A meeting of the National Committee (NC) of Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM) will hold on Saturday and Sunday, 9th and 10th November, 2002 in Lagos. \par \tab As usual, the meeting will feature political discussions on the situation in Nigeria and internationally. On Nigeria, the impeachment saga, upsurge in political violence and the implications of the Supreme Cour t judgement on the building of NCP will feature prominently. The Bush administration's war on terrorism and planned war against Iraq are some of the issues that will come up in the discussion on world situation. \par \tab The meeting will also take reports from national secretariat, branches, labour, women and student sections and discuss how to build a socialist alternative in the labour and youth movement. \par \tab DSM members should ensure that a report of the meeting is taken and discussed at their branches and practical steps agreed upon on how to implement its decisions and build the organisation. \par \par }\pard\plain \s3\qj \li0\ri0\keepn\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\outlinelevel2\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \b\fs32\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {BAKASSI PENINSULAR: \par NO TO WAR OVER OIL \par }\pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \fs24\lang2057\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp2057\langfenp1033 {\b\fs32 * For A Democratic Referendum Among Bakassi People \par }\pard \qj \li0\ri0\widctlpar\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 { \par The 10th October, 2002 judgement of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) conferring ownership of the oil-rich Bakassi peninsular on Cameroun has been received with shock and disbelief by many Nigerians, including ordinary working people. \par \tab According to the Nigerian media, even the people of Bakassi, about 90% of whom are said to be Nigerians of the Efik ethnic nationality, have reportedly vowed to resist any attempt to implement the court judgement and change their citizenship to Cameroun. \par \tab We in the Democratic Socialist Movement (DSM) call on the Nigerian and Camerounian working p eople to oppose any attempt to force the people of Bakassi to stay in Nigeria or Cameroun against their wishes. On the contrary, the labour movement of the two countries should defend the democratic right to self-determination of the people of the peninsu lar. This means their right to belong to either Cameroun or Nigeria or to stay as an independent nation. This factor should supersede the ICJ judgement or the territorial claims being made by Nigeria and Cameroun. \par \par A NEO-COLONIAL LEGACY \par \par The dispute over B akassi is a legacy of imperialist colonial rule and neo-colonial regimes in Africa. For their selfish economic, political and strategic calculations, the imperialist capitalist powers, Britain, Germany, France, Belgium, Portugal, Spain, etc, in the 19th c e ntury partitioned and divided African territories and peoples among themselves without the least consideration to the language, social and cultural affinities of the African peoples. In many instances, the same ethnic nationality found itself divided into two or more colonial territories and ruled by different colonial masters. These have often resulted in boundary disputes and wars between African states after getting their \'93independence\'94 \par from colonial rule. A recent example was the war between Ethiopia and Eritrea in which thousands of people were killed. In the case of Bakassi for instance, Cameroun has anchored its ownership of the peninsular on the Anglo-German Treaty of 11th March, 1913 when both Cameroun and Nigeria were under colonial rule, a trea ty which the ICJ has upheld by its recent judgement. \par \tab Due to the selfish interests and visionlessness of the capitalist ruling classes of the various African nations, they have proved incapable of redressing these colonial arbitrariness and injustices sever al decades after the end of colonial rule. In fact, one of the principles which guided the recently-defunct continental body, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), which existed between 1963 and 2002, was respect for the colonial boundaries! \par \tab For severa l decades, neither Nigerian nor Camerounian ruling elite showed any interest in the Bakassi peninsular. Neither has shown any concern nor initiate any programme that is capable of ameliorating the deplorable conditions of mass poverty, squalor and destit u tion in which most Bakassians live. As at 1975, when Nigerian military ruler, General Gowon signed what is now termed 'Marona declaration' ceding Bakassi peninsula to Cameroun to compensate President Ahidjo's neutrality during Nigerian civil war, it was n ot yet discovered it was oil rich. \par \tab But interest over the ownership of Bakassi by Nigeria and Cameroun began immediately it was discovered that the peninsular is floating on reserves of crude oil. It was only then that the elites of the two countries starte d making serious claims and counter-claims over the territory. In essence, the struggle by the Nigerian and Camerounian ruling classes for ownership of the peninsular is not dictated by any so-called national interest or concern for the well-being of the r esidents of Bakassi. The primary motive is the rich oil reserves and fishing grounds found in the area and its strategic location in the Atlantic Ocean. If the peninsular were to be of very little economic or strategic value, neither Nigerian nor Cameroun ian capitalist elite would have shown any serious interest in the territory. \par \tab We also want to observe that despite the multimillion dollars which Nigerian government gets everyday from oil in the Niger-Delta, the people of the Niger-Delta and Nigerian worki ng class in general have continued to live in mass penury. If Nigeria were to get Bakassi, proceeds from oil in the area will only be for